This essay examines the connection between socioeconomic mobility and equality, and argues for two conclusions: (a) Socioeconomic mobility is conceptually distinct from three common species of equality: (1) equality of opportunity, (2) equality of outcome, and (3) relational equality. -/- (b) However, socioeconomic mobility is connected — in different ways — to each species of equality, and, if we value one or more of these species of equality, these connections endow mobility with derivative normative significance.

Recent epidemiological reports of associations between socioeconomic status and epigenetic markers that predict vulnerability to diseases are bringing to light substantial biological effects of social inequalities. Here, we start the discussion of the moral consequences of these findings. We firstly highlight their explanatory importance in the context of the research program on the Developmental Origins of Health and Disease (DOHaD) and the social determinants of health. In the second section, we review some theories of the moral status of health inequalities. (...) Rather than a complete outline of the debate, we single out those theories that rest on the principle of equality of opportunity and analyze the consequences of DOHaD and epigenetics for these particular conceptions of justice. We argue that DOHaD and epigenetics reshape the conceptual distinction between natural and acquired traits on which these theories rely and might provide important policy tools to tackle unjust distributions of health. (shrink)

This article intends to show the distance between work-life balance as a political and social issue at the EU and Romanian level, through the lens of the local gender equality policies following the process of EU accession. The article provides, in its first part, a brief presentation of the main theoretical axes structuring the available literature, followed up by the analysis of the occurrence of the work-life balance issue at the European level. Then the study examines the normative dimension (...) of work-life balance in post-communist Romania, seeking to understand to what extent work-life balance policies have been designed and implemented in the last 25 years. (shrink)

The lexical priority of fair equality of opportunity in John Rawls’s justice as fairness, which has been sharply criticized by Larry Alexander and Richard Arneson among others, is left almost entirely undefended in Rawls’s works. I argue here that this priority rule can be successfully defended against its critics despite Rawls’s own doubts about it. Using the few textual clues he provides, I speculatively reconstruct his defense of this rule, showing that it can be grounded on our interest in self-realization (...) through work. This reconstructed defense makes liberal use of concepts already present in A Theory of Justice , including the Aristotelian Principle (which motivates the achievement of increasing virtuosity) and the Humboldtian concept of social union (which provides the context for the development of such virtuosity). I also show that this commitment to self-realization, far from violating the priority of right in Rawls’s theory, stems directly from his underlying commitment to autonomy, which is the very foundation of the moral law in his doctrine of right. The reconstituted defense of this priority rule not only strengthens the case for justice as fairness but also has important and controversial implications for public policy. (shrink)

Like American politics, the academic debate over justice is polarized, with almost all theories of justice falling within one of two traditions: egalitarianism and libertarianism. This book provides an alternative to the partisan standoff by focusing not on equality or liberty, but on the idea that we should give people the things that they deserve. Mulligan argues that a just society is a meritocracy, in which equal opportunity prevails and social goods are distributed strictly on the basis of merit. (...) That gives citizens their just deserts. In addition to its novel conceptual approach, meritocracy is distinctive from existing work in two ways. First, it is grounded in research on how people actually think about justice. Empirical research reveals that people don't think that social goods should be distributed equally. Nor do they dismiss the idea of social justice. Across ideological and cultural lines, people want rewards to reflect merit. Second, the book discusses hot-button political issues and makes concrete policy recommendations. These issues include anti-meritocratic bias against women and racial minorities and the United States’ widening economic inequality. Justice and the Meritocratic State offers a new theory of justice and provides solutions to our most vexing social and economic problems. It will be of keen interest to philosophers, economists, and political theorists. (shrink)

A debate about whether all children are entitled to an “equal” or an “adequate” education has been waged at the forefront of school finance policy for decades. In an era of budget deficits and harsh cuts in public education, I submit that it is time to move on. Equality of educational opportunity has been thought to require equal spending per pupil or spending adjusted to the needs of differently situated children. Adequacy has been understood as a level of (...) spending sufficient to satisfy some absolute, rather than relative, educational threshold. In practice, however, many courts interpreting their state’s constitutional obligations have fused the equality and adequacy theories. Certain federal laws express principles of both doctrines. And gradually, more advocates and scholars have come to endorse hybrid equality-adequacy approaches. Still, the debate persists over seemingly intractable conceptual precepts and their political and legal ramifications. Tracking the philosophical origins and evolution of equality and adequacy as legal doctrines, I explain the significance of their points of convergence and argue that the few points of divergence are untenable in practice. Equality of educational opportunity should not be interpret-ed as pursuing equal chances for educational achievement for all children, because that ideal is infeasible. Nor should educational adequacy be interpreted as completely indifferent to objectionable inequalities that can be feasibly curtailed. Properly conceived, equality and adequacy are not merely congruent but reciprocal. That is, children are owed an education that is adequately equal and equally adequate. (shrink)

Adults aged 65 and above comprise the fastest growing sector of the world’s population. In the context of increasing numbers of older adults, employment policies have become a prominent issue. Governments recognize the importance of increasing participation in working age population and providing them with equal workplace opportunities. Yet, it appears that policies raising employment rates of older adults have become a slogan that governments use for election purposes, but the reality is different. In the groundbreaking (...) report “Working Better with Age: Poland‘ prepared by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia belong to a group of countries where the increase in the employment rate of older adults is well below the OECD average. The objective of our critical review is to evaluate current employment policies for older adults, including but not limited to healthy work conditions, age management strategies, employment services for older workers, and strategies implemented to prevent the age discrimination, in these three countries. This article also discusses the reasons for the reduction in the employment of older adults, the current barriers in employing older adults that require governments’ attention, and suggests solutions for creating an age-friendly labor market that can effectively make use of older adults’ competencies. Employment rates for people of different ages are significantly affected by government policies with regard to higher education, pensions, and retirement age. (shrink)

Progressive family policy regimes typically aim to promote and protect women’s opportunities to participate in the workforce. These policies offer significant benefits to affluent, two-parent households. A disproportionate number of low-income and impoverished families, however, are headed by single mothers. How responsive are such policies to the objectives of these mothers and the needs of their children? This chapter argues that one-size-fits-all family policy regimes often fail the most vulnerable household and contribute to intergenerational poverty in two (...) ways: by denying at-risk children adequate parenting, and by undermining their mothers’ legitimate interest in nurturing and caring for their own children. The capabilities of these mothers and the well-being of their children are better served by policies which recognise maternal caregiving as a productive and valuable occupation meriting equal respect and social support. (shrink)

Social Justice is a concept familiar to most Indians but one whose meaning is not always understood as it signifies a variety of government strategies designed to enhance opportunities for underprivileged groups. By tracing the trajectory of social justice from the colonial period to the present, this book examines how it informs ideas, practices and debates on discrimination and disadvantage today. After outlining the historical context for reservations for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes that began under British colonial rule, (...) the book examines the legal and moral strands of demands raised by newer groups since 1990. In addition the book shows how the development of quota policies has been significantly influenced by the nature and operation of democracy in India. It describes the recent proliferation of quota demands for reservations in higher education, private sector and for women and religious minorities in legislative assemblies. The book goes on to argue that while proliferation of demands address unequal incidence of poverty, deprivation and inequalities across social groups and communities, care has to be taken to ensure that existing justifications for quotas for discriminated groups due to caste hierarchies are not undermined. Providing a rich historical background to the subject, the book is a useful contribution to the study on the evolution of multiple conceptions of social justice in contemporary India. (shrink)

Equal Justice explores the role of the idea of equality in liberal theories of justice. The title indicates the book’s two-part thesis: first, I claim that justice is the central moral category in the socio-political domain; second, I argue for a specific conceptual and normative connection between the ideas of justice and equality. This pertains to the age-old question concerning the normative significance of equality in a theory of justice. The book develops an independent, systematic, and comprehensive theory of (...) equality and egalitarianism. The principal question is about the importance of equality in a theory of justice. More precisely, we should pose questions in four contracting circles: 1. Is justice the supreme value guiding our setup of the basic structure of society, or are there other, equally important values, such as recognition, care, communal belonging? 2. If justice is the highest guiding principle, which competing ideals—especially equality and freedom—ought to have precedence in a policy oriented toward justice? What status does the ideal of equality have in that framework? 3. If equality is a basic ideal of just policy, how should it be practically realized? What sort of equality (equal opportunity, equality of welfare, resource equality) should be demanded? 4. What patterned distribution of which specific goods does the ideal of equality demand? Which principles of distribution can be justified according to our justice ideal? To conclude and summarize: 5. What is the essential core of an egalitarian theory of justice, as opposed to an inegalitarian theory? These five questions structure the work’s order of argumentation. Part A elaborates the conceptual foundations and basic moral principles of justice and equality. Chapter I sets out to install justice as the central moral category in the socio-political domain. At the beginning of the first chapter, the conceptual foundations of justice are clarified. While not eliminating the classical distinctions between different forms of justice, I argue that the distributive paradigm is of primary importance. The primacy of justice in the socio-political domain is developed out of a confrontation with alternative positions, those which maintain either that justice generally, or distributive justice in particular, are subsidiary virtues. At the end of Chapter I, the first of the questions mentioned above is answered in a way that establishes justice as the guiding normative concept for the foundation and evaluation of any social order. To clarify the role of equality in a theory of justice, Chapter II separates the idea of equality into four different principles. They are organized in a way that begins with the most general and uncontroversial principle of equality, and progresses towards increasingly detailed and contested principles. There are two theses that articulate and defend the significance of equality for justice: First there is a conceptual connection between justice and equality, in that principles of formal and proportional equality are necessary in order to explicate the concept of justice. These two principles establish an unbreakable bond between justice and equality. Justice can only be explained—or so I argue—by reference to these and other (normative) principles of equality. The second thesis posits a normative relationship between justice and equality, which is disclosed by three substantive principles of equality: moral equality, the presumption of equality, and the principle of responsibility. I argue that the normative core of an egalitarian theory of justice is expressed by the latter two principles, which are themselves based on the first principle, that of moral equality. When we view one another as persons, what form of equality or equal treatment is normatively demanded? I argue that the answer to this question is given by the procedural principle of the presumption of equality: regardless of their apparent differences, all persons deserve strictly equal treatment, unless certain kinds of differences have whatever particular relevance would justify, on generally acceptable grounds, unequal treatment or unequal distribution. The justification of the presumption of equality is central to this work and has considerable importance. If the presumption principle’s validity can be justified by enlisting the principle of general justification, then the primacy of equality, and the essential argument for an egalitarian theory of justice, is established. This would likewise provide a procedure for the construction of a material theory of justice. The second question is answered thereby at the end of Chapter II: Equality should have primacy over competing ideals within a justice-oriented policy. The presumption of equality establishes this primacy and, at the same time, offers an appropriate metric and guideline for the construction of a material theory of distributive justice. The presumption of equality in Part B offers an elegant procedure for the development of a theory of distributive justice. Chapter III clearly sets out the necessary prerequisites that a theory of distribution must satisfy in order to determine a liberal-egalitarian distributional framework. We need to specify in which situation the distribution takes place; which goods are and are not to be distributed; in which respect the presumptive equality is to be produced; and by and to whom, and for what period, the relevant goods are to be distributed. The distribution is based on resources understood as general-purpose means. It is necessary to divide goods into different categories, since the justification for unequal treatment in one domain will not carry over into another. This makes presumptive equality necessarily complex. To that end, four spheres of justice are distinguished: (1) the political sphere, which involves allocating rights through the distribution of civil liberties; (2) the democratic sphere, in which political power and the rights of political participation are regulated; (3) the economic sphere, in which income and property are distributed; (4) the social sphere, in which social positions and opportunities are distributed. This framework of distributive justice answers the third of our guiding questions, about the nature of equality, in terms of equality of resources. Chapters IV and V set out the egalitarian distributive criteria for each sphere. I argue that the generally accepted, fundamental rights of classical liberalism are more effectively reconstructed by reference to the equal resource distribution presumptively required in those spheres. Chapter IV shows that when it comes to the first two spheres, those involving basic rights and freedoms and entitlement political participation, there can be no justified exceptions to the equal distribution of the relevant goods. That section argues, contrary to what we commonly find in theories of freedom or popular sovereignty, that the value of freedom and self-determination as the political basis of autonomy is best realized through the presumption of equal distribution. Chapter V deals with the other two spheres, those of economic goods and social positions, and argues for justified exceptions to equal distribution. In the economic sphere we find one principal reason favouring unequal distribution of resources, and three restrictions and compensations limiting that inequality. The basic exception to equal economic distribution arises from the unequal consequences of personal responsibility. From a suitably egalitarian standpoint, the principle of responsibility is the normative principle that determines which reasons justify economic inequality. Here the basic idea is that unequal shares of social goods are fair if they result from the choices and deliberate actions of the relevant parties. That individuals have to bear the costs of their own choices is a condition of autonomy. However, benefits or disadvantages arising from arbitrary and unmerited differences in social circumstances or natural endowments is unfair. The unequal consequences of independent decision-making and action must therefore be limited by compensating first for preferences, secondly for disadvantages, and thirdly by redistributing wealth in aid of the worse-off. I situations of emergency, compensating for disadvantages has priority over all other claims, owing to the urgency of the situation. Social inequalities go beyond the permissible limit if it is possible to improve the long-term social or economic situation of the worse-off by redistributing wealth to them. These exceptions lead to a complex system of free economic action within a framework of compensatory tax and transfer mechanisms. Finally, in the social sphere, the distribution of social positions, offices and opportunities must be structured to ensure that equally talented and motivated citizens have roughly equal chances of obtaining those offices or positions, irrespective of their economic or social class backgrounds. This compromise is permissible for reasons of freedom and prudence, and it makes a certain measure of inequality acceptable. The fourth of our guiding questions is answered accordingly. There are five principles of justice for the basic structure of society, and five legal principles that govern the special distribution of goods in the respective spheres—all are ranked according to their most defensible grounds of priority, ensuring that everyone is accorded equal justice. Chapter VI recapitulates the initial question of equality’s value. The conception of equal justice developed in this work postulates five principles of equality and five principles of law; these constitute an egalitarian framework because they support and promote social justice. Equality has value with respect to them, but is not given any independent, intrinsic value. That is why I call the account developed here a form of constitutive egalitarianism: justice is realized through the realization of equality, itself accomplished by applying the five postulates of equality and five distributive principles of law. This is an egalitarianism on two levels. The first level is involves the claim that morality or justice is conceptually connected with equality. The second level gives equality a substantial weight in what is conceptually validated at the first level, namely the presumption of equality, and constructs an appropriate interpretation and conception of distributive justice through principles of distribution for the individual spheres. The weight and importance of equality is shown by the distributive criteria applied to those spheres. This answers our final guiding question about the nature of an egalitarian theory. (shrink)

Are government restrictions on hate speech consistent with the priority of liberty? This relatively narrow policy question will serve as the starting point for a wider discussion of the use and abuse of nonideal theory in contemporary political philosophy, especially as practiced on the academic left. I begin by showing that hate speech (understood as group libel) can undermine fair equality of opportunity for historically-oppressed groups but that the priority of liberty seems to forbid its restriction. This tension between free (...) speech and equal opportunity creates a dilemma for liberal egalitarians. Nonideal theory apparently offers an escape from this dilemma, but after examining three versions of such an escape strategy, I conclude that none is possible: liberal egalitarians are indeed forced to choose between liberty and equality in this case and others. I finish the paper by examining its implications for other policy arenas, including markets in transplantable human organs and women’s reproductive services. (shrink)

The 'Why ain'cha rich?' argument for one-boxing in Newcomb's problem allegedly vindicates evidential decision theory and undermines causal decision theory. But there is a good response to the argument on behalf of causal decision theory. I develop this response. Then I pose a new problem and use it to give a new 'Why ain'cha rich?' argument. Unlike the old argument, the new argument targets evidential decision theory. And unlike the old argument, the new argument is sound.

The thesis of this essay is that equal opportunity (EO) "strictly dominates" (in the game-theoretic sense) reparations. That is, (1) all the ways reparations would make our world more just would also be achieved under EO; (2) EO would make our world more just in ways reparations cannot; and (3) reparations would create injustices which EO would avoid. Further, (4) EO has important practical advantages over reparations. These include economic efficiency, feasibility, and long-term impact. Supporters of reparations should abandon (...) that ideal to support equal opportunity instead. (shrink)

Contemporary egalitarian liberals—unlike their classical counterparts—have lived through many contentious events where the right to freedom of expression has been tested to its limits—the Skokie, Illinois, skinhead marches, hate speech incidents on college campuses, Internet pornography and hate speech sites, Holocaust deniers, and cross-burners, to name just a few. Despite this contemporary tumult, freedom of expression has been nearly unanimously affirmed in both the U.S. jurisprudence and philosophical discourse. In what follows, I will examine Ronald Dworkin's influential contemporary justification for (...) freedom of expression, which claims that a thoroughgoing right to freedom of expression is justified by the fact that it guarantees and preserves liberalism's commitment to equality by offering everyone an opportunity to speak, whereas any other policy, such as state regulation, would fail to offer this equal opportunity. This justification has been challenged by feminists and critical race theorists, who find the cases of pornography and hate speech to be sufficient threats to the freedom of expression and equality of their targets—women and minorities—to warrant limiting freedom of expression in these cases. I will argue that if Dworkin is to take equality as seriously as he claims to, then, by his own lights, he must back away from an unrestricted freedom of expression, in light of these distinctly contemporary challenges of the harms of systemic racism and sexism, which underlie hate speech and pornography. (shrink)

Some people may think that libertarianism and meritocracy have much in common; that the libertarian's ideal world looks like the meritocrat's ideal world; and that the public policies guiding us to each are one and the same. This is wrong in all respects. In this essay I explain why. -/- After providing an overview of meritocratic justice, I argue that meritocracy is a more compelling theory of distributive justice than libertarianism. Meritocracy better protects the core value of personal responsibility; (...) incorporates efficiency-enhancing regulation which libertarianism cannot; provides more positive liberty; and solves salient, real-world debates about distributive justice. (shrink)

Care-supporting policies incentivise women’s withdrawal from the labour market, thereby reinforcing statistical discrimination and further undermining equality of opportunities between women and men for positions of advantage. This, I argue, is not sufficient reason against such policies. Supporting care also improves the overall condition of disadvantaged women who are care-givers; justice gives priority to the latter. Moreover, some of the most advantageous existing jobs entail excessive benefits; we should discount the value of allocating such jobs meritocratically. Further, (...) women who have a real chance to occupy positions of advantage have most likely already enjoyed more than their fair share of opportunities; they lack a claim to more. Women can have a complaint grounded in the expressive disvalue of sexist discrimination. This gives them special claims against men occupying the vast majority of top positions and against their higher share of opportunities for positions of advantage. But their claim does not speak against care-supporting policies. (shrink)

Book review of Lesley A. Jacobs' Pursuing Equal Opportunities: The Theory and Practice of Egalitarian Justice.

This thesis argues that a particular version of equal opportunity for welfare is the best way of meeting the joint demands of three liberal egalitarian ideals: distributional equality, responsibility, and respect for individuals’ differing reasonable judgements of their own good. It also examines which social choice rules best represent these demands. Finally, it defends the view that achieving equal opportunity for welfare should not only be a goal of formal public institutions, but that just citizens should also sometimes (...) be guided by it in their everyday life. The version of equal opportunity for welfare it defends differs from some well-known contemporary versions in the following ways. First, it rejects a definition of welfare as the degree of satisfaction of a person’s preferences, because, it argues, this conception of welfare cannot adequately deal with preference change. Instead, it suggests that we should adopt a conception of welfare based on a list of goods and conditions that are recognised as valuable from the perspective of a variety of different conceptions of the good. Second, it argues that individuals’ prima facie claim to an equally valuable share of the world’s resources—a claim which is based on their equal moral worth—is limited to situations in which giving one person a more valuable share means that someone else ends up with a less valuable share. It also argues that in situations where we can improve at least one person’s situation without worsening anyone else’s, we generally do not fail to respect each person’s equal moral worth by doing so, even if this leads to inequalities. Third, it defends a distinct view of responsibility, which justifies social arrangements that give people certain options with reference to the value that individuals can achieve (but don’t necessarily achieve) through their choices from these options. (shrink)

Competitive opportunity assumes limited positions of advantage. Making competitive opportunity equal without expanding opportunity would delay socialization for diminished expectations but have no advantages, thus possibly making a bad situation worse. Equal opportunity worth fighting for would be opportunity available to all non-competitively.

Politics, Philosophy & Economics, Volume 21, Issue 2, Page 190-227, May 2022. There is a sense of fairness that is distinctive of markets. This is fairness among economic competitors, competitive fairness. We regularly make judgments of competitive fairness about market participants, public policies and institutions. However, it is not clear to what these judgments refer, or what moral significance they have. This paper offers a rational reconstruction of competitive fairness in terms of non-domination. It first identifies competitive fairness as (...) a distinctive claim, advanced within markets in turn characterized as antagonistic, instrumental and procedural. It distinguishes competitive fairness from a number of familiar ideals with which it might be confused: legitimate expectation, equality of opportunity, sporting fairness and economic efficiency. While many exponents likely assume competitive fairness can be explained in terms of one of these ideals, in each case there are significant objections to doing so. Instead, the paper argues that the most promising justification of competitive fairness is under the republican ideal of non-domination, which can reconstruct many of the intuitive judgments of competitive fairness that we make in particular cases. However, it concludes, this explanation makes it difficult for exponents to continue to emphasize competitive fairness, given diverse other risks of domination, and to other values, in markets. (shrink)

Is the family subject to principles of justice? In "A Theory of Justice", John Rawls includes the (monogamous) family along with the market and the government as among the, "basic institutions of society", to which principles of justice apply. Justice, he famously insists, is primary in politics as truth is in science: the only excuse for tolerating injustice is that no lesser injustice is possible. The point of the present paper is that Rawls doesn't actually mean this. When it comes (...) to the family, and in particular its impact on fair equal opportunity, (the first part of the Difference Principle, Rawls' second principle of justice), he abandons the priority of justice. I also argue that he is right to do so. -/- The central argument is simple. As Rawls admits, what family one is raised by profoundly affects one's life chances: a child raised by a family has far greater life chances on every dimension than one raised in a poorer family that may lack books, education, and time to give the child attention. But the prevailing family arrangements in the industrialized West, assigning children to be raised by their biological parents, is guaranteed to perpetuate this injustice. While Rawls says an unjust institution in the basic structure of society, in which he includes the family, must be, "reformed or abolished," he refrains from calling for the reform or abolition of the family. We must simply work around it to compensate for the injustices he admits it involves. And this despite the fact that alternative arrangements involving communal child-rearing (Plato) or assigning children to those best qualified to raise them (Rousseau) are common in the philosophical literature. Moreover, the practice of having children raised by their biological parents is a relatively recent one, at least in the West, where, before the late 18th century, fostering-out or apprenticeship arrangements were normal and expected for both rich and poor for centuries. -/- Much of the paper is devoted to fine-grained textual analysis of Rawls' attempts to avoid the devastating implications of this argument for his theory of justice -- much of which are stated only in the original edition of "A Theory of Justice" and simply deleted, without substitution by anything better, in the second edition. In the end, Rawls has no way out. He cannot keep the priority of justice, fair equality of opportunity, and the monogamous family in which children are raised by their biological parents. As he admits, these are mutually inconsistent. -/- In the final part of the paper, I argue that Rawls should give up on the priority of justice. While child-rearing by the biological parents is a historical anomaly, in the real modern world it would be politically unfeasible to institute Platonic, Rousseauean, or similar legislation that purportedly assigned children to those best able to raise them, regardless of biological relationship. Since Rawls is committed to principles of political stability and feasibility, as he should be, and since ought implies can, such proposals are off the table. I concur with Rawls that we must work around this injustice, even those there are more just arrangements available in principle. But the cost of this -- less high than Rawls suggests -- is abandoning the principle of the priority of justice. Justice is one of a number of considerations that we must or may balance in deciding on the best attainable social relations. It is not a trump. However, this comes a great cost for Rawls: he must also abandon the lexical ordering of principles of justice or, in general, right or good principles of social order, in favor of the messy intuitionist balancing that his theory is designed to avoid. -/- One feature of the paper that is worth independent attention is a discussion of Marx's rejection of justice in the Critique of the Gotha Program, which I explicate, and urge, without adopting it, that it has a great deal more force than is widely understood. (shrink)

Women continue to be in charge of most childrearing; men continue to be responsible for most breadwinning. There is no consensus on whether this state of affairs, and the informal norms that encourage it, are matters of justice to be tackled by state action. Feminists have criticized political liberalism for its alleged inability to embrace a full feminist agenda, inability explained by political liberals’ commitment to the ideal of state neutrality. The debate continues on whether neutral states can accommodate two (...) feminist demands: to enact policies aimed at dismantling the feminization of caregiving, especially childrearing, and to compensate women for some of the disadvantages they incur by being primary care-givers. I contribute to this debate with three arguments in support of policies meant to de-gender care-giving and compensate care-givers. The first appeals to equality of opportunity to positions of advantage and justifies policies that prevent or mitigate statistical discrimination and implicit biases. The second draws attention to a possible causal relationship between the specialization of women in early childcare and misogyny; since the latter is incompatible with political liberal justice, it yields the conclusion that political liberals ought to further investigate the causal hypothesis with the aim of establishing or refuting it. The third argument concludes that legitimate childrearing prohibits adults from socializing children or, at least girls, into gender norms; it justifies duties of justice on the side of parents, educators, and economic agents, and state policies meant to offset foreseeable breaches of some of these duties. (shrink)

This paper examines John Rawls' renowned theory of justice, which outlines two principles of justice and their respective significance. It explores how Rawls' notion of equality aligns with the philosophical concept of equity, emphasizing that his call for citizen equality inherently incorporates fairness. Additionally, the paper discusses the application of Rawls' "Difference Principle" to India's reservation policy. Rawls' principles, which aim to support the worst-off in society, are reflected in India's system of reservations for marginalized groups, including backward classes and (...) differently-abled individuals, to promote equitable opportunities. However, the paper cautions that excessive reservations could limit opportunities for more privileged groups. Ultimately, it is argued that Rawls' concept of social justice has contributed to the promotion of social justice in India. (shrink)

In the United States, Protestant Christian identity is the dominant religious identity. Protestant Christian identity confers status privileges, yet also creates objectionable status inequalities. Historical and contemporary evidence includes the unfair treatment of Mormons, Native Americans, Muslims, and other religious minorities. Protestant Christian supremacy also plays a significant role in bolstering anti LGBTQ prejudice, xenophobia, and white supremacy. Ways that Protestant Christian identity correlates with objectionable status inequalities are often neglected in contemporary political philosophy. This paper aims to make a (...) modest contribution towards filling that gap. Some forms of inequality linked to Protestant Christian supremacy can be characterized as domination and oppression. Other instances include barriers to fair equality of opportunity for self-determination. Adapting ideas from egalitarian political philosophy I propose an analysis of objectionable status inequality rooted in Protestant Christian supremacy. Alan Patten’s defense of an egalitarian principle for assessing the effects of law and policy is helpful for this task. (shrink)

The world of entrepreneurship has historically been linked with taking risks and the potential for significant rewards. However, there persists a notable gender imbalance in the entrepreneurial landscape, wherein women entrepreneurs remain a minority. Women navigating the entrepreneurial path encounter distinct challenges, setting their experiences apart from their male counterparts. In Balayan, Batangas, despite strides towards gender equality, women entrepreneurs continue to face challenges in the entrepreneurial landscape. This qualitative study delves into the experiences of 10 successful female entrepreneurs who (...) met specific criteria. Accordingly, semi-structured interviews are conducted, exploring various aspects of participants' experiences and revealing their motivations, achievements, challenges, and strategies. Thematic analysis reveals the connection between familial, community-driven, and personal motivations that drive these entrepreneurs forward. Despite facing obstacles such as financial constraints and gender biases, they prioritize financial gains and personal growth. With resilience, innovation, and dedication, these women overcome challenges and achieve success, utilizing support networks and online marketing strategies to their advantage. Recommendations include empowering women in entrepreneurship, strengthening support networks, introducing tailored financial literacy programs, and advocating against gender biases. Implement skill development initiatives and provide specialized education in online marketing. Engage in policy advocacy, celebrate success stories, and continuously research challenges and successes. Foster collaborative partnerships between businesses, educational institutions, and communities, and advocate for increased funding opportunities for sustainable growth. This research emphasizes the strength and capabilities of women entrepreneurs in Balayan, Batangas, affirming that "pink doesn't mean weak.". (shrink)

Diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) policies and programs are crucial tools for reducing social inequality within organizations. However, the recent decline in DEI practices and the inconsistencies found in existing research underscore the need for new theoretical approaches. This essay seeks to offer a fresh perspective on the strengths and limitations of DEI initiatives through the lens of granular interactions thinking theory. It posits that while DEI policies and programs generally create conditions conducive to greater value creation and (...) improved adaptability to changing environments and challenges, maintaining direction and operational certainty within an organization with high DEI demands significant energy investment. To sustain DEI and enhance its effectiveness, these policies need to go beyond simply increasing diversity and ensuring equal access to opportunities. They must also focus on empowering a diverse workforce to contribute to the organization’s success actively. Additionally, fostering a workplace culture that enhances members’ adaptive cognitive processing and skills can reduce the energy required to sustain DEI efforts, making these practices more sustainable in the long term. (shrink)

If pursued with serious intent, Pre-distribution has the capacity to create an exciting and radical new agenda for social democracy. But the politics of Pre-distribution cannot be innocuous or uncontroversial. -/- In its more radical forms, predistribution is a potentially radical and inspiring project for social democrats who have come to see the limitations of the old ways of doing things. It’s a project that promises a strategy to deliver abundantly on values of social justice, economic freedom, and equality of (...) opportunity. But it’s a project that involves going head-to-head with entrenched interests, breaking up existing concentrations of wealth and economic power. The politics of Pre-distribution, if taken seriously, simply cannot be a politics without enemies. Labour must decide whether its engagement with pre-distribution is to be limited to tinkering at the edges of neoliberalism, or whether it will instead fully embrace the opportunities of the present moment, decide to be radical, and realise the full promise of the politics of predistribution. -/- . (shrink)

The article shows the interlacement of political philosophy and philosophy of education by justifying educational justice as central normative ground for analyzing educational policies as well as by defending a democratic conception of educational justice. In order to ground the importance of the concept of educational justice, the article explains the shortcomings of the alternative – functionalist and liberal perfectionist – normative grounds of educational policy. Then, the article develops a democratic conception of educational justice by first of all (...) criticizing the liberal conception of equal educational opportunity on the ground that it implicitly accepts as valid the socially existing understanding of educational success. Based on this critique the article defends a democratic conception of educational justice that demands the institutionalization of educational practices that prepare students to define themselves as democratic citizens what educational success should mean. (shrink)

Nanomedicine applications are an extension of traditional pharmaceutical drug development that are targeting the most pressing health concerns through improvements to diagnostics, drug delivery systems, therapeutics, equipment, surgery and prosthetics. The benefits and risks to the individual have been extrapolated to include broader societal impacts of nanomedicine with concerns extending to inequitable distribution of benefits accruing to developed, or North countries, rather than developing, or South countries. Analysis reveals a great deal of overlap between the North and South's most serious (...) health priorities which kill millions each year. A significant amount of nanomedicine research activity is also underway for the most pressing South country-specific health concerns. Nanomedicine development promises profound breakthroughs for both North and South countries; however, the existing inequities in pharmaceutical drug development, patenting, access and delivery remain significant barriers for South countries. (shrink)

My paper addresses a topic--the implications of Rawls's justice as fairness for affirmative action--that has received remarkably little attention from Rawls's major interpreters. The only extended treatments of it that are in print are over a quarter-century old, and they bear scarcely any relationship to Rawls's own nonideal theorizing. Following Christine Korsgaard's lead, I work through the implications of Rawls's nonideal theory and show what it entails for affirmative action: viz. that under nonideal conditions, aggressive forms of formal equality of (...) opportunity (e.g., sensitivity training, outreach efforts, external monitoring and enforcement) and compensating support (e.g., special fellowship programs, childcare facilities, mentoring, co-op opportunities, etc.) can be justified, but that "hard" and even "soft" quotas are difficult to defend under any conditions. I conclude the paper by exploring the implications of these surprising results for contemporary liberalism more broadly and for constitutional law and public policy. (shrink)

ABSTRACT Many of our common-sense moral judgments seemingly imply the existence of moral luck. I attempt to avoid moral luck while retaining most of these judgments. I defend a view on which agents have moral equality of opportunity. This allows us to account for our anti-moral-luck intuitions at less cost than has been previously recognized.

Review: Shlomi Segall (2013) Equality and opportunity.

The paper compares three accounts of distributive justice in health (and more specifically healthcare). I discuss two egalitarian accounts—Daniels's fair equality of opportunity for health and Segall's luck-egalitarian equity in health—and contrast them with a sufficientarian account based on sufficiency of capabilities. The discussion highlights some important theoretical differences and similarities among the three accounts. The focus, however, is on the practical implications of each account regarding four hypothetical cases (synthesized growth hormone for short children, non-therapeutic abortion, forms of compensation (...) for paraplegics, and reconstructive breast surgery versus plastic surgery). My aim is to show that by replacing egalitarian concerns with sufficiency, and by focusing on capabilities (versus opportunities), it is possible to provide a more plausible account of justice in healthcare. (shrink)

JOTIRAO GOVINDRAO PHULE occupies a unique position among the social reformers of Maharashtra in the nineteenth century. While other reformers concentrated more on reforming the social institutions of family and marriage with special emphasis on the status and right of women, Jotirao Phule revolted against the unjust caste system under which millions of people had suffered for centuries and developed a critique of Indian social order and Hinduism. During this period, number of social and political thinkers started movement against such (...) systems and methods. These thinkers aimed at upliftment of the status of women socially, economically, educationally and politically. Of these socio-political thinkers Mahatma Phule, Mahatma Gandhi, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, and such other have organized movement for striving equality for dalits, backward classes and women. As such, Mahatma Phule was an earliest leader, who strongly opposed gender inequality. He was in the real sense a great thinker finder of truth. He was of the view that every individual should search for the truth and mould accordingly, only then the human society can remain happy. He said that British rule provided an opportunity for the masses to get themselves liberated from the slavery of the Brahmins. But at the same time, he also criticized the British bureaucracy for its policy of supporting higher education and for its tendency to rely upon Brahmin subordinates. Interestingly, Mahatma Phule nurtured a favourable perspective of the British Rule in India because he thought it at least introduced the modern notions of justice and equality into the Indian society. He also criticized the economic policy of the British rule in many respects it was unfavorable to the poor peasants. He suggested a number of solutions to improve the conditions of the agriculture sector. In place of exploitative Indian social order, Phule wanted to establish a society founded on principles of individual liberty and equality and in place of Hinduism he would have liked to put universal religion. In this paper my attempt is to give an analysis of ideas of Mahatma Phule with his core philosophical outlook. (shrink)

The precarious rights of senior citizens, especially those who are highly educated and who are expected to counsel and guide the younger generations, has stimulated the creation internationally of advocacy associations and opinion leader groups. The strength of these groups, however, varies from country to country. In some countries, they are supported and are the focus of intense interest; in others, they are practically ignored. For this is reason we believe that the creation of a network of all these associations (...) is essential. The proposed network would act as a support for the already-existing policies of the United Nations’ High Commission for Human Rights, of independent experts, and of the Global Alliance for the Rights of Older People. All three have long ago recommended the creation of a recognized instrument for uniting presently scattered efforts. The proposed network, therefore, will seek to promote the international exchange of relevant expertise, and it will reinforce the commitments and actions that single countries are currently taking to meet these objectives. For example, informative public events can be organised to promote particular support initiatives and to provide an opportunity for new members of the network to be presented. The network will promote health for senior citizens, disease prevention, senior mobility, safe free time for seniors, alimentary education, protection against new risks and dangers, as well as equity in the services necessary for seniors to adopt new information and communication technologies. In the case of retired academic members, the network will promote equality with respect to continuing use of digital technologies (particularly email), continuing access to research libraries, and the guaranteed ability for seniors to fund their own research programs and to deliver free seminars. (shrink)

This volume brings together a range of influential essays by distinguished philosophers and political theorists on the issue of global justice. Global justice concerns the search for ethical norms that should govern interactions between people, states, corporations and other agents acting in the global arena, as well as the design of social institutions that link them together. The volume includes articles that engage with major theoretical questions such as the applicability of the ideals of social and economic equality to the (...) global sphere, the degree of justified partiality to compatriots, and the nature and extent of the responsibilities of the affluent to address global poverty and other hardships abroad. It also features articles that bring the theoretical insights of global justice thinkers to bear on matters of practical concern to contemporary societies, such policies associated with immigration, international trade, and climate change. -/- Contents: Introduction; Part I Standards of Global Justice: (i) Assistance-Based Responsibilities to the Global Poor: Famine, affluence and mortality, Peter Singer; We don't owe them a thing! A tough-minded but soft-hearted view of aid to the faraway needy, Jan Narveson; Does distance matter morally to the duty to rescue? Frances Myrna Kamm. (ii) Contribution-Based Responsibilities to the Global Poor: 'Assisting' the global poor, Thomas Pogge; Should we stop thinking about poverty in terms of helping the poor?, Alan Patten; Poverty and the moral significance of contribution, Gerhard Øverland. (iii)Cosmopolitans, Global Egalitarians, and its Critics: The one and the many faces of cosmopolitanism, Catherine Lu; Cosmopolitan justice and equalizing opportunities, Simon Caney; The problem of global justice, Thomas Nagel; Against global egalitarianism, David Miller; Egalitarian challenges to global egalitarianism: a critique, Christian Barry and Laura Valentini. Part II Pressing Global Socioeconomic Issues: (i) Governing the Flow of People: Immigration and freedom of association, Christopher Wellman; Democratic theory and border coercion: no right to unilaterally control your own borders, Arash Abizadeh; Justice in migration: a closed borders utopia?, Lea Ypi. (ii) Climate Change: Global environment and international inequality, Henry Shue; Valuing policies in response to climate change: some ethical issues, John Broome; Saved by disaster? Abrupt climate change, political inertia, and the possibility of an intergenerational arms race, Stephen M. Gardiner; Polycentric systems for coping with collective action and global environmental change, Elinor Ostrom. (iii) International Trade: Responsibility and global labor justice, Iris Marion Young; Property rights and the resource curse, Leif Wenar; Fairness in trade I: obligations arising from trading and the pauper-labor argument, Mathias Risse; Name index. -/- See: www.ashgate.com/default.aspx?page=637&calctitle=1&pageSubject=483&sort=pubdate&forthcoming=1&title_i d=9958&edition_id=13385. (shrink)

Many political philosophers argue that a principle of ‘fair equality of opportunity’ ought to extend beyond national borders. I agree that there is a place for FEO in a theory of global justice. However, I think that the idea of cross-border FEO is indeterminate between three different principles. Part of my work in this paper is methodological: I identify three different principles of cross-border fair equality of opportunity and I distinguish them from each other. The other part of my work (...) in this paper is normative: I argue that we should endorse only two of the three principles of cross-border fair equality of opportunity and that we shouldreject the third. Importantly, I think that we should reject the one version of transnational fair equality of opportunity that most advocates of such a principle appear to endorse. (shrink)

This article starts by setting out the evaluative criteria provided by Will Kymlicka's liberal account of individual freedom and equality. Kymlicka's theory of cultural minority rights is then analysed using these criteria and found to be defective in two respects. First, his assignment of different rights to national and ethnic groups is shown to be inegalitarian with regard to generations after the first. Second, his recommendation of strong cultural protections is shown in some circumstances to undermine freedom and equality. Towards (...) the end of the article a policy of gradual and inclusive assimilation is described that may effectively promote the freedom and opportunities of members of cultural minorities. In conclusion, group-specific rights may, as Kymlicka says, be justified in liberal terms, but only where they differ in content from those he proposes. (shrink)

Why It’s Difficult to Increase Job Creation to Balance Exponential Population Growth -/- One of the biggest challenges in economic development is ensuring that job creation keeps pace with the rapid growth of the population. If a country fails to provide enough employment opportunities, it leads to rising unemployment, poverty, and social instability. The problem is even more complex because economic growth is not always proportional to population growth. Several key factors—such as economic productivity, income inequality, technological advancements, education, (...) and labor migration—must be considered when addressing this issue. To create a sustainable balance, countries must focus on maintaining an ideal standard of living, fair income distribution, and a population growth rate that does not exceed economic expansion. -/- 1. The Importance of GDP per Capita in Job Creation -/- A country’s economic strength is often measured by its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita, which reflects the average income per person. For a nation to provide enough well-paying jobs, it must have a high enough GDP per capita to support businesses, investments, and infrastructure development. Studies suggest that a GDP per capita of at least $15,000 to $25,000 is necessary for a stable middle-income economy where job opportunities are abundant. -/- However, many developing nations struggle to reach this level due to factors such as inefficient economic policies, corruption, or lack of industrial growth. If GDP per capita is too low, businesses may not generate enough revenue to expand, and workers may be forced into low-wage or informal jobs with little security. To ensure sufficient employment opportunities, governments must focus on improving productivity, supporting small and medium enterprises, and investing in industries that create large numbers of jobs. -/- 2. The Impact of Income Inequality on Job Availability -/- Even if a country has a high GDP, the way wealth is distributed among the population significantly affects job creation. A measure called the Gini coefficient helps determine how equally wealth is shared. If income is too concentrated in the hands of a few, economic growth will not translate into widespread job creation. -/- For a healthy economy, income inequality should be kept within a manageable range—typically a Gini coefficient of 0.25 to 0.35. If this number rises above 0.4, it indicates that a small portion of the population holds most of the wealth, while the majority struggle with low wages and unemployment. High inequality leads to reduced consumer spending, which negatively affects businesses and slows down job creation. To fix this, governments must implement policies that promote fair wages, progressive taxation, and better access to education and healthcare. -/- 3. The Balance Between Population Growth and Economic Growth -/- One of the most critical factors in job creation is the relationship between population growth and economic growth. If the population expands too quickly without a corresponding increase in job opportunities, unemployment will rise. A sustainable population growth rate should generally be below 1% per year, while economic growth should ideally be between 3% and 5% per year to generate enough jobs. -/- In many developing countries, high birth rates continue to add millions of people to the workforce every year, but the economy does not grow fast enough to accommodate them. This problem is worsened by factors such as automation, which replaces traditional jobs, and weak labor markets that fail to absorb new workers. To address this issue, governments must implement population policies, invest in education, and ensure that job market demands align with workforce skills. -/- 4. The Role of Labor Migration in Balancing Job Creation and Population Growth -/- One effective way to address job shortages and overpopulation is through labor migration. Many developed countries face declining birth rates and aging populations, which create labor shortages in critical industries such as healthcare, construction, and agriculture. At the same time, overpopulated developing nations struggle with high unemployment. A well-managed labor migration system can help balance both issues by matching surplus labor from developing countries with job shortages in developed economies. -/- How Labor Migration Helps Solve the Imbalance: -/- For overpopulated countries: Migration reduces unemployment, eases pressure on local job markets, and allows workers to send remittances back home, boosting their domestic economy. -/- For labor-shortage countries: Migrant workers fill essential jobs that local populations are unable or unwilling to do, preventing economic stagnation. -/- Challenges in Implementing Labor Migration: -/- Despite its benefits, labor migration is often restricted by strict immigration policies, cultural resistance, and concerns about local job competition. To maximize the benefits of migration, countries should: -/- Create bilateral agreements that ensure fair wages and worker protections. -/- Provide legal pathways for migrant workers to prevent exploitation and illegal migration. -/- Implement integration programs that help migrants contribute positively to their host economies. -/- By effectively managing labor migration, both sending and receiving countries can create a win-win situation that helps balance employment opportunities globally. -/- 5. The Role of Education and Skills Development -/- A well-educated workforce is essential for job creation. Many emerging industries—such as technology, renewable energy, and healthcare—require specialized skills that the general population may not have. Unfortunately, many education systems fail to prepare students for the jobs of the future, resulting in a mismatch between the skills available in the workforce and the jobs that need to be filled. -/- To solve this, countries must focus on improving education and vocational training programs. Investing in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education, as well as technical and trade schools, can help workers adapt to changing job market demands. Additionally, lifelong learning programs should be encouraged to help workers update their skills as industries evolve. -/- 6. How Technology and Globalization Affect Job Creation -/- Advancements in technology and globalization have created both opportunities and challenges for job creation. Automation, artificial intelligence, and robotics have increased productivity but have also eliminated many traditional jobs, particularly in manufacturing and retail. While technology generates new industries, these jobs often require advanced skills, leaving behind workers who are unable to adapt. -/- Similarly, globalization has allowed companies to move jobs to countries with cheaper labor costs, which can reduce employment opportunities in some regions. To counter this, countries must focus on attracting industries that balance automation with human labor, promoting entrepreneurship, and investing in sectors that cannot be easily outsourced, such as local services and infrastructure development. -/- 7. Policy Recommendations for Sustainable Job Creation -/- To ensure that job creation keeps up with population growth, governments and businesses must work together to implement sustainable economic policies. Some key recommendations include: -/- Economic Diversification: Countries should invest in multiple industries, including technology, agriculture, healthcare, and renewable energy, to create a variety of job opportunities. -/- Fair Income Distribution: Policies should be designed to reduce income inequality through progressive taxation, minimum wage laws, and social welfare programs. -/- Education and Workforce Training: Schools and universities should align their curricula with the needs of the job market, and vocational training should be expanded. -/- Population Management: Governments should promote responsible family planning and ensure that population growth does not outpace economic development. -/- Support for Small Businesses: Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) are a major source of employment and should receive incentives such as low-interest loans, tax breaks, and reduced bureaucratic barriers. -/- Managed Labor Migration: Countries should develop legal migration pathways that match labor demand and supply globally. -/- Conclusion -/- Balancing job creation with population growth is a complex challenge that requires a comprehensive and sustainable approach. Countries must ensure that GDP per capita remains high, income is distributed fairly, and population growth stays within manageable limits. By investing in education, economic diversification, labor migration, and social policies, governments can create a stable and prosperous society where job opportunities are available for all. If these factors are not properly managed, the gap between population growth and job availability will continue to widen, leading to economic and social instability. -/- . (shrink)

Ideal GDP per Capita, Gini Coefficient, and Population Growth: A Holistic Framework for National Prosperity -/- Economic metrics such as GDP per capita, the Gini coefficient, and population growth are interrelated factors that shape a nation’s economic health, equity, and sustainability. While GDP per capita reflects the average economic output per person and the Gini coefficient measures income inequality, population growth plays a critical role in influencing both metrics. Achieving an ideal balance among these three indicators is essential for fostering (...) long-term prosperity and social stability. -/- This essay explores the characteristics of an ideal GDP per capita, Gini coefficient, and population growth, emphasizing how they interact to create a balanced and sustainable society. -/- Ideal GDP per Capita -/- GDP per capita is a key indicator of a nation’s economic productivity and standard of living. While higher GDP per capita is generally associated with improved living standards, its effectiveness depends on equitable distribution and sustainable resource use. -/- Ideal Range: Studies suggest that an ideal GDP per capita lies between $20,000 and $50,000, as this range ensures that most citizens have access to basic necessities, quality healthcare, education, and infrastructure. Beyond this range, diminishing returns on wealth are observed, meaning additional income contributes less to overall well-being. -/- Equity as a Prerequisite: High GDP per capita should align with equitable wealth distribution. Without fair distribution, economic gains are concentrated among the wealthy, exacerbating inequality and reducing the overall quality of life for many. -/- Ideal Gini Coefficient -/- The Gini coefficient measures income inequality, with 0 representing perfect equality and 1 representing maximum inequality. An ideal Gini coefficient balances equity and economic incentives. -/- Ideal Range: Economists agree that a Gini coefficient between 0.25 and 0.35 is optimal, as it reflects a society where wealth and opportunities are shared relatively equitably without discouraging innovation and productivity. -/- Impacts of Low Inequality: Countries with low Gini coefficients often experience stronger social cohesion, lower crime rates, and better health outcomes. For instance, Scandinavian nations, with Gini coefficients around 0.25–0.30, demonstrate how equitable wealth distribution can enhance societal well-being. -/- Economic Growth and Equality: Excessive inequality (Gini > 0.4) can hinder social mobility and lead to political and economic instability, undermining long-term growth. -/- Ideal Population Growth -/- Population growth is a critical factor that influences GDP per capita and income distribution. A balanced and sustainable population growth rate is necessary to achieve and maintain ideal economic conditions. -/- Ideal Growth Rate: Experts suggest that an annual population growth rate of around 1% or less is ideal for most countries. This rate ensures that economic growth can keep pace with population increases, preventing overburdened resources and infrastructure while maintaining a stable labor force. -/- Economic Implications: -/- Rapid Growth: Excessive population growth strains public services, healthcare, education, and housing, which can lead to lower GDP per capita and exacerbate inequality. -/- Declining Growth: Extremely low or negative population growth, as seen in some developed countries like Japan, can lead to labor shortages, reduced economic productivity, and challenges in supporting aging populations. -/- Sustainable Growth: A steady, moderate population growth rate supports economic stability by providing a consistent labor supply while minimizing pressure on resources. -/- The Synergy Between GDP per Capita, Gini Coefficient, and Population Growth -/- The ideal relationship between GDP per capita, the Gini coefficient, and population growth lies in their mutual reinforcement: -/- 1. Balanced Growth and GDP per Capita: Moderate population growth allows for sustained increases in GDP per capita, as economic output can expand alongside a manageable rise in population. -/- 2. Population and Inequality: Equitable income distribution is easier to achieve in societies with stable population growth, as rapid growth often leads to increased competition for limited resources, exacerbating inequality. -/- 3. Long-Term Stability: A stable population growth rate ensures that infrastructure, social services, and natural resources are not overburdened, contributing to equitable wealth distribution and higher per capita income. -/- For example, countries like Sweden and Norway combine high GDP per capita (over $50,000), low Gini coefficients (around 0.25–0.30), and stable population growth rates (~0.5–1% annually). This synergy results in high living standards, robust social safety nets, and sustainable economic development. -/- Challenges and Policy Recommendations -/- Achieving ideal GDP per capita, Gini coefficient, and population growth requires effective policies and governance: -/- 1. Population Policies: Governments must adopt population policies that promote sustainable growth, such as family planning programs, investments in education, and support for working families. -/- 2. Redistributive Measures: Progressive taxation, social welfare programs, and universal access to education and healthcare can reduce inequality and support equitable wealth distribution. -/- 3. Sustainable Development: Policies must focus on balancing economic growth with environmental conservation to ensure long-term prosperity for future generations. -/- Conclusion -/- The ideal GDP per capita, Gini coefficient, and population growth rate represent a balanced framework for national prosperity. A GDP per capita of $20,000 to $50,000, a Gini coefficient of 0.25 to 0.35, and a population growth rate of 1% or less collectively promote sustainable economic development, equitable wealth distribution, and social harmony. However, these ideals must be pursued with context-specific strategies that account for each country’s unique demographic, cultural, and economic circumstances. By achieving this balance, nations can create resilient and thriving societies for current and future generations. -/- . (shrink)

Why Are Some Countries Rich While Others Remain Poor? -/- The economic disparity between rich and poor countries has been a persistent issue throughout history. While some nations have achieved immense wealth and prosperity, others continue to struggle with poverty. Understanding the reasons behind this divide requires an examination of historical, geographical, economic, political, and social factors. This essay explores the key reasons why many countries are rich while a few remain poor. -/- 1. Historical Factors -/- History plays a (...) crucial role in shaping a nation’s economic status. Many poor countries today were former colonies that suffered from resource exploitation and underdevelopment. European colonial powers extracted wealth from Africa, Asia, and Latin America, leaving many of these nations with weak institutions and economies upon gaining independence. In contrast, countries that industrialized early, such as the United Kingdom, Germany, and the United States, established strong economies that continue to thrive today. -/- The Industrial Revolution provided a major economic advantage to early adopters, enabling them to develop infrastructure, create jobs, and expand global trade. Meanwhile, countries that missed out on early industrialization, such as many in sub-Saharan Africa, were left behind. -/- 2. Geographical Factors -/- Geography also significantly influences a country’s wealth. Nations with abundant natural resources, such as oil (e.g., Saudi Arabia, Norway) or minerals (e.g., Australia, Canada), have the potential to generate immense wealth. However, having natural resources alone does not guarantee prosperity. For example, countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo have rich mineral deposits but remain poor due to corruption and conflict. -/- Climate and agriculture also play a role. Many rich countries have temperate climates that support large-scale farming, while tropical nations struggle with unpredictable weather, soil depletion, and diseases such as malaria. Countries with difficult terrain, such as landlocked nations or those with deserts, often face challenges in trade and infrastructure development. -/- 3. Economic Systems and Policies -/- The economic policies adopted by a country can determine its success or failure. Market economies that promote free trade, entrepreneurship, and investment tend to prosper. Countries with strong property rights and competitive markets attract both domestic and foreign investments, leading to innovation and growth. Examples include the United States, Japan, and South Korea. -/- On the other hand, nations with excessive government control over the economy, high taxes, and restrictions on trade often struggle. Command economies, such as North Korea, have failed to generate sustainable growth due to rigid economic structures and limited incentives for businesses. Additionally, some poor countries rely too much on a single industry or export, making them vulnerable to economic downturns. -/- 4. Political and Institutional Factors -/- Political stability and strong institutions are critical for economic success. Countries with effective governments, the rule of law, and low corruption create an environment where businesses can thrive. Switzerland and Singapore, for instance, have strong governance systems that encourage investment and innovation. -/- In contrast, many poor nations suffer from political instability, corruption, and weak institutions. Governments in countries like Venezuela and Sudan mismanage resources, leading to economic collapse. War and conflict also hinder development by destroying infrastructure and discouraging investment. -/- 5. Education and Human Capital -/- A well-educated population is essential for economic growth. Rich countries invest heavily in education, ensuring that their citizens acquire the skills needed for high-paying jobs and technological advancements. Nations like Finland and South Korea have strong education systems that contribute to their economic success. -/- Conversely, many poor countries struggle with low literacy rates, limited access to education, and brain drain—where skilled workers migrate to wealthier nations in search of better opportunities. Without a skilled workforce, economic progress becomes difficult. -/- 6. Trade and Globalization -/- Access to international markets is another key factor in determining a country’s wealth. Wealthy nations benefit from global trade, exporting high-value products and services. Countries like Germany and China have built strong economies through manufacturing and exports. -/- On the other hand, some poor countries face trade restrictions, tariffs, and economic dependency on a single export, making them vulnerable to price fluctuations. Additionally, reliance on foreign aid can sometimes create a cycle of dependency rather than fostering self-sufficiency. -/- 7. Demographics and Population Growth -/- Population growth can be both a blessing and a challenge. Rich countries tend to have balanced population growth, allowing for sustainable economic expansion. Countries like Canada and Sweden manage their populations well through immigration and social policies. -/- However, many poor nations experience rapid population growth without corresponding economic development. Overpopulation strains resources, leads to high unemployment, and makes it difficult for governments to provide education, healthcare, and infrastructure. Countries like Nigeria and Bangladesh struggle with these challenges. -/- 8. Cultural and Social Factors -/- Cultural attitudes toward work, productivity, and governance also shape a nation’s economic success. Societies that value innovation, discipline, and economic planning tend to prosper. Countries like Japan and Germany emphasize efficiency and technological progress, contributing to their wealth. -/- Additionally, gender equality and economic inclusion play a role in national prosperity. Countries that empower women and minorities to participate in the workforce experience higher economic growth. In contrast, societies with restrictive social norms often limit their economic potential. -/- Conclusion -/- The wealth disparity between nations is not due to a single factor but a combination of historical, geographical, economic, political, and social influences. While rich countries benefit from strong institutions, innovation, and stable governance, poor nations often struggle with corruption, weak infrastructure, and rapid population growth. However, with the right policies—such as investing in education, strengthening institutions, and promoting economic diversification—poorer countries can improve their economic standing. By understanding these factors, nations can work toward closing the gap and ensuring a more balanced global economy. -/- . (shrink)

Why Capitalism Cannot Create More Successful Entrepreneurs to Balance Stable Job Creation Amid Increasing Population Growth -/- Introduction -/- Capitalism is often praised for fostering entrepreneurship, economic growth, and job creation. However, its inherent flaws—such as wealth concentration, monopolization, financial barriers, and wage suppression—prevent it from producing enough successful entrepreneurs to balance job creation with increasing population growth. As the global population expands, capitalism alone fails to generate sufficient employment opportunities, leading to economic instability, poverty, and inequality. -/- To (...) address these challenges, a balanced approach involving government intervention, socialist-inspired policies, population regulation, and a coordinated effort between private and public sector job creation is necessary. By ensuring economic stability, providing social safety nets, and aligning workforce growth with sustainable employment opportunities, societies can mitigate capitalism’s failures while maintaining its productive aspects. -/- 1. The Fundamental Flaws of Capitalism in Job Creation -/- While capitalism promotes competition and innovation, it also creates significant economic imbalances: -/- Wealth Concentration and Inequality: Over time, wealth accumulates among a few individuals and corporations, reducing opportunities for new entrepreneurs and limiting social mobility. -/- Monopolization: Large corporations dominate markets, pushing out small businesses and reducing job diversity. -/- Financial Barriers to Entrepreneurship: The cost of starting and sustaining a business is high, making it difficult for new entrepreneurs to compete. -/- Short-Term Profit Maximization: Companies prioritize short-term gains, often outsourcing jobs or automating processes to cut costs, rather than investing in long-term job creation. -/- Cyclical Economic Crises: Capitalist economies experience frequent recessions, leading to mass layoffs, business failures, and financial insecurity. -/- These issues make capitalism insufficient in creating enough businesses and stable jobs to match population growth. -/- 2. The Difficulty of Starting a Business and Its Impact on Job Creation -/- Despite the belief that anyone can succeed through hard work, starting a business remains a significant challenge due to: -/- High Initial Costs: Rent, inventory, equipment, and salaries require substantial capital. -/- Limited Access to Credit: Most banks and investors require collateral or proven profitability, which new entrepreneurs lack. -/- Complex Regulations: Navigating legal and tax systems is expensive and time-consuming. -/- Intense Market Competition: Large corporations benefit from economies of scale, making survival difficult for small businesses. -/- Due to these challenges, most aspiring entrepreneurs fail or remain in precarious financial positions, reducing their ability to contribute to long-term job creation. -/- 3. The Effect of Low Wages on Consumer Buying Power and Job Stability -/- One of capitalism’s biggest contradictions is its reliance on low wages to maximize corporate profits while simultaneously needing strong consumer demand to sustain business growth. -/- Reduced Consumer Demand: When workers earn low wages, they have less money to spend, weakening economic growth. -/- Increased Debt and Financial Instability: Many workers rely on credit for basic needs, making them financially vulnerable. -/- Job Insecurity and Precarious Work: Companies cut costs by hiring temporary workers or outsourcing jobs, leading to job instability. -/- By failing to pay workers a living wage, capitalism limits its own potential for sustainable economic growth, reinforcing inequality and restricting business expansion. -/- 4. Balancing Job Creation Between the Private and Public Sectors -/- To counteract capitalism’s job creation failures, a balanced approach that combines private sector entrepreneurship and government-led job creation is essential. -/- A. Private Sector Job Creation -/- The private sector should remain a driving force of economic innovation and employment, but it must be regulated to prevent exploitative practices. Governments can support private-sector job creation by: -/- Providing Financial Assistance to Startups: Low-interest loans and grants can help small businesses grow. -/- Ensuring Fair Competition: Antitrust laws prevent monopolies from dominating industries. -/- Raising Minimum Wages: Ensuring fair wages strengthens consumer spending and business stability. -/- Encouraging Ethical Business Models: Worker cooperatives and profit-sharing models can create sustainable, fair workplaces. -/- B. Government-Led Job Creation -/- Governments must step in where the private sector fails to provide sufficient employment opportunities. Public-sector job creation should focus on: -/- Infrastructure Development: Roads, bridges, schools, and renewable energy projects generate long-term employment. -/- Public Services Expansion: More jobs in healthcare, education, and social services create stable employment. -/- Green Economy Investments: Sustainable industries like clean energy and environmental conservation create new career paths. -/- Universal Job Guarantee Programs: Governments can offer public jobs in times of economic downturns to prevent mass unemployment. -/- By combining private-sector dynamism with public-sector stability, societies can ensure that job creation keeps pace with population growth. -/- 5. The Role of Population Regulation in Economic Stability -/- One of the critical yet often overlooked aspects of economic sustainability is aligning population growth with job availability. Unregulated population expansion can lead to: -/- Unemployment and Underemployment: More people entering the job market than available jobs create economic strain. -/- Increased Poverty and Social Unrest: Large unemployed populations lead to instability and higher crime rates. -/- Strain on Public Services: Overpopulation overwhelms healthcare, education, and infrastructure systems. -/- A. Family Planning and Education -/- Governments must implement policies that encourage responsible population growth through: -/- Access to Contraception and Family Planning Services: Ensuring reproductive health choices empower families to plan their future. -/- Educational Campaigns on Sustainable Population Growth: Teaching the economic impact of overpopulation helps societies make informed decisions. -/- Encouraging Gender Equality and Women’s Employment: Empowering women in the workforce naturally leads to lower birth rates and a more balanced economy. -/- B. Workforce and Immigration Planning -/- Instead of uncontrolled population growth, governments should focus on workforce planning to ensure that job creation aligns with demographic trends: -/- Targeted Immigration Policies: Encouraging skilled immigration in sectors with labor shortages helps maintain economic stability. -/- Retraining and Reskilling Programs: Adapting the workforce to emerging industries prevents large-scale unemployment. -/- Regional Job Distribution: Encouraging businesses to develop outside of major cities can balance employment opportunities across regions. -/- By coordinating population regulation with job market needs, economies can achieve sustainable development and avoid crisis-driven employment gaps. -/- 6. The Importance of Government and Central Bank Policies -/- To stabilize capitalism’s weaknesses, government and central bank intervention using socialist principles is essential. These policies include: -/- Progressive Taxation: Redistributing wealth to fund public services and entrepreneurship programs. -/- Public Investment in Education and Vocational Training: Preparing the workforce for new economic demands. -/- Job-Creation Programs: Investing in sectors that provide stable, long-term employment. -/- Monetary Policies that Promote Sustainable Growth: Controlling inflation, interest rates, and wage growth to prevent economic instability. -/- A coordinated economic strategy ensures that capitalism’s benefits are widely distributed, rather than concentrated among a wealthy elite. -/- 7. Conclusion: A Mixed Economic Model for Sustainable Job Growth -/- Capitalism, by itself, fails to create enough successful entrepreneurs and jobs to match population growth due to its systemic flaws. Wealth concentration, monopolization, financial barriers, and low wages prevent new businesses from thriving and workers from earning enough to sustain economic demand. -/- To correct these imbalances, a mixed economic model—combining capitalist entrepreneurship with government intervention, population regulation, and central bank policies—is necessary. By balancing private-sector innovation with public-sector job creation and aligning workforce growth with sustainable employment opportunities, societies can ensure economic stability, reduce inequality, and promote long-term prosperity. -/- Only through holistic economic planning can nations achieve stable job creation, entrepreneurship growth, and population balance, creating a future where economic progress benefits everyone, not just a privileged few. -/- . (shrink)

Discrimination, understood as differential treatment of individuals on the basis of their respective group memberships, is widely considered to be morally wrong. This moral judgment is backed in many jurisdictions with the passage of equality of opportunity legislation, which aims to ensure that racial, ethnic, religious, sexual, sexual-orientation, disability and other groups are not subjected to discrimination. This chapter explores the conceptual underpinnings of discrimination and equality of opportunity using the tools of analytical moral and political philosophy.

The Philosophy Behind Marriage and Family Structure -/- Marriage and family have been fundamental aspects of human society for millennia. These institutions, deeply rooted in both biological imperatives and cultural traditions, provide individuals with emotional support, societal structure, and a framework for raising future generations. Throughout history, philosophers, sociologists, psychologists, and religious leaders have explored the significance of marriage and family, offering various perspectives on their purpose, evolution, and societal impact. This essay examines the philosophy behind marriage and family structure (...) through different lenses, including social, religious, psychological, biological, existential, economic, and contemporary viewpoints. -/- 1. Social and Functional Perspective -/- From a social standpoint, marriage and family serve as the bedrock of society. Aristotle, in his work Politics, described the family as the smallest social unit, essential for the survival and well-being of the individual and the state. He believed that humans are naturally social beings and that the family provides the first environment where individuals learn social values such as cooperation, responsibility, and justice. -/- Similarly, Confucian philosophy underscores the importance of family in maintaining social harmony. In Confucianism, filial piety—the respect for parents and ancestors—is a cornerstone of moral conduct, with family relationships mirroring broader societal relationships. The family, in this view, is not just a private institution but a microcosm of the entire social order. -/- Historically, marriage has also functioned as a social contract that unites families, clans, and communities, often transcending individual desires for the sake of social cohesion and societal continuity. -/- 2. Religious and Moral Perspective -/- Religious traditions around the world have long emphasized the sanctity of marriage and the importance of family life. In Christianity, marriage is often viewed as a divine covenant that reflects the relationship between Christ and the Church, with an emphasis on love, commitment, and mutual support. Hinduism regards marriage as a sacrament (samskara), binding individuals not only in the present life but also across lifetimes. -/- Islamic teachings similarly highlight marriage as a partnership grounded in compassion, mercy, and shared responsibility. Across these traditions, marriage and family are seen as moral institutions that provide a stable environment for raising children and passing down spiritual values. -/- Religious perspectives often link the stability of society to the strength of family structures, asserting that moral virtues such as loyalty, fidelity, and respect are first cultivated within the family unit. -/- 3. Psychological and Emotional Perspective -/- From a psychological standpoint, marriage and family fulfill essential emotional and developmental needs. The attachment theory proposed by John Bowlby suggests that early relationships within the family shape an individual’s emotional well-being and capacity for forming relationships later in life. Families provide emotional support, a sense of belonging, and a framework for identity development. -/- Carl Jung, a pioneer in analytical psychology, saw marriage as a path toward individuation, where two individuals learn and grow through their relationship. The emotional bonds formed in marriage and family life contribute to mental health, resilience, and a sense of purpose. -/- Moreover, contemporary psychological research emphasizes the importance of secure family environments for children’s cognitive and emotional development. Strong family bonds, characterized by open communication, emotional warmth, and supportive relationships, are associated with better psychological outcomes across the lifespan. -/- 4. Evolutionary and Biological Perspective -/- Biologically, the formation of family units can be understood as an adaptive strategy that supports survival and reproduction. Evolutionary psychologists argue that marriage and family structures evolved to address fundamental challenges related to reproduction, child-rearing, and social cooperation. -/- Anthropologist Helen Fisher suggests that human beings have evolved three distinct but interconnected brain systems related to love: attraction, romantic attachment, and long-term bonding. These systems, she argues, have historically promoted pair bonding, cooperative parenting, and the long-term care of offspring. -/- The biological perspective highlights how family structures have varied across cultures in response to environmental and societal factors. For instance, extended family structures were historically more common in agrarian societies, where cooperative labor was essential, while nuclear family structures became more prevalent in industrialized societies. -/- 5. Existential and Individual Perspective -/- Existential philosophers have explored marriage and family through the lens of individual freedom and personal growth. Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir questioned traditional marriage structures, suggesting that societal norms around marriage could sometimes limit individual freedom and authenticity. -/- From an existential perspective, marriage can either be an avenue for personal growth or a constraint imposed by societal expectations. The decision to marry and build a family, therefore, becomes an existential act—one that involves choosing companionship and shared purpose in an otherwise uncertain world. -/- For existentialists, the meaning of marriage lies not in external validation but in the authentic relationship between individuals who choose to support and grow with one another despite life’s uncertainties. -/- 6. Economic and Structural Perspective -/- The economic dimension of marriage and family structures has been explored by philosophers such as Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. In their analysis, traditional family structures were intertwined with systems of property ownership, inheritance, and social class. Engels, in The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, argued that the nuclear family, particularly in capitalist societies, reinforced patriarchal power dynamics and preserved wealth within certain classes. -/- In modern societies, the economic functions of marriage and family continue to be significant. Families often serve as units of economic cooperation, pooling resources to meet household needs and invest in children’s education and future. Additionally, shifts in labor markets, gender roles, and social policies have influenced family structures, leading to more diverse forms of partnerships and parenting arrangements. -/- 7. Contemporary and Progressive Perspectives -/- In recent decades, philosophical and sociological discussions about marriage and family have expanded to include issues of equality, diversity, and individual autonomy. The recognition of same-sex marriage in many countries reflects a broader societal shift toward inclusivity and the redefinition of traditional family structures. -/- Feminist philosophers, such as Judith Butler, have critically examined the ways in which traditional marriage and family structures have historically marginalized women and reinforced gender roles. Contemporary perspectives emphasize the importance of shared responsibilities within families, regardless of gender, as well as the recognition of diverse family forms, including single-parent households, cohabiting partnerships, and chosen families. -/- The contemporary view of marriage and family increasingly acknowledges the importance of love, mutual respect, and individual autonomy alongside traditional functions of reproduction and social stability. -/- Conclusion -/- The philosophy behind marriage and family structure encompasses a broad spectrum of perspectives, each offering valuable insights into these enduring human institutions. Socially, marriage and family provide stability and continuity. Religiously, they offer moral guidance and spiritual purpose. Psychologically, they fulfill emotional and developmental needs. Biologically, they support survival and reproduction. Existentially, they present opportunities for personal growth and authentic relationships. Economically, they function as units of resource-sharing and social mobility. -/- As societies evolve, so too do their understanding and practice of marriage and family life. The challenge for modern societies lies in balancing the enduring functions of these institutions with changing social norms, ensuring that marriage and family remain sources of support, growth, and societal cohesion for generations to come. -/- . (shrink)

Why Governments Become Corrupt: The Role of Power, Education, and Moral Values -/- Corruption is one of the most persistent problems in governance, affecting societies across different political and economic systems. It undermines democracy, weakens institutions, and diverts resources meant for public welfare into private hands. While corruption is often associated with greed and abuse of power, its roots go much deeper, extending to failures in the educational system and the erosion of family moral values. This essay explores the reasons (...) behind government corruption and how systemic failures in education and morality contribute to its persistence. -/- 1. Power Without Accountability -/- One of the primary reasons governments become corrupt is the unchecked power held by officials. When political leaders and bureaucrats operate without sufficient oversight, they are more likely to misuse public funds, manipulate policies, and engage in bribery or favoritism. In many countries, weak democratic institutions fail to impose consequences on corrupt individuals, allowing them to act with impunity. The absence of transparency in decision-making processes further enables corruption to thrive, as citizens are kept in the dark about how their governments operate. -/- 2. Weak Legal and Political Institutions -/- Corruption flourishes in environments where legal frameworks exist but are not enforced. Many countries have anti-corruption laws, yet enforcement is selective or non-existent. This failure is often due to political interference in the judiciary, where corrupt leaders appoint judges who will protect them from prosecution. Furthermore, when law enforcement agencies themselves are corrupt, they fail to investigate and punish those in power. This creates a vicious cycle where corruption becomes the norm rather than the exception. -/- 3. The Role of Greed and Self-Interest -/- Human nature, particularly the pursuit of wealth and status, plays a significant role in government corruption. Many officials prioritize their personal and political interests over the welfare of the people they serve. Bribery, embezzlement, and fraud become tempting options for those seeking to enrich themselves at the expense of society. Additionally, political patronage—where politicians use their power to reward loyal supporters with government positions or contracts—further entrenches corruption. -/- 4. The Failure of the Educational System -/- One of the overlooked causes of corruption is the failure of the educational system to instill ethical values and critical thinking. Education is supposed to shape responsible citizens, but in many countries, the system is focused on rote learning rather than teaching morality, civic responsibility, and ethical leadership. Schools and universities often do not provide students with the tools to question authority, recognize corruption, or demand transparency from their leaders. -/- Moreover, when the education system itself is corrupt—through bribery in admissions, fake diplomas, or unqualified teachers—it sets a dangerous precedent. Students grow up believing that success can be achieved through dishonest means, reinforcing the idea that corruption is an acceptable part of life. Without a strong moral foundation in education, future generations are more likely to participate in or tolerate corrupt practices. -/- 5. The Decline of Family Moral Values -/- Family plays a crucial role in shaping an individual’s ethical beliefs and behaviors. However, in many societies, traditional moral values that emphasize honesty, integrity, and accountability are declining. Parents, preoccupied with economic survival, may fail to teach their children the importance of moral principles. In some cases, families themselves engage in corrupt behaviors—such as paying bribes to secure jobs or influencing government officials for personal gain—sending the message that corruption is a necessary survival strategy. -/- Religious and cultural institutions, which once played a significant role in promoting ethical behavior, have also lost influence in many societies. As materialism and individualism grow stronger, the collective responsibility for upholding moral values weakens. When individuals lack strong moral guidance from their families and communities, they are more likely to justify corrupt actions when they gain positions of power. -/- 6. Economic Pressures and Low Salaries -/- Economic hardship can also drive corruption, especially in developing nations where government employees are underpaid. When officials struggle to meet their basic needs, they may resort to accepting bribes, embezzling funds, or engaging in illicit activities to supplement their income. In such environments, corruption becomes a survival mechanism rather than just a moral failure. -/- 7. Corporate Influence and Political Lobbying -/- The influence of powerful corporations over government policies is another major driver of corruption. Large businesses often fund political campaigns, expecting favorable policies in return. This results in leaders prioritizing corporate interests over public welfare. When governments are captured by private interests, policies that should benefit the majority are distorted to serve a wealthy elite. -/- 8. The Lack of Civic Engagement and Public Awareness -/- When citizens do not actively participate in governance or demand accountability, corrupt leaders face little resistance. A disengaged population allows corruption to thrive because there is no pressure for change. In many cases, people feel powerless or fear retaliation for speaking out against corrupt officials. Strengthening civic awareness through education, media, and public activism is essential in the fight against corruption. -/- Solutions: Restoring Integrity Through Education and Morality -/- To combat corruption effectively, reforms must address not only political and legal structures but also educational and moral foundations: -/- Strengthening the Educational System: Schools must incorporate ethics, civic responsibility, and critical thinking into their curriculum. Teachers should emphasize honesty and accountability, ensuring that students understand the long-term consequences of corruption. -/- Rebuilding Family Moral Values: Families must take a more active role in teaching children about integrity and social responsibility. Parents should set examples by refusing to participate in corrupt practices. -/- Enforcing Strong Anti-Corruption Laws: Governments must ensure that laws against corruption are applied equally, regardless of political or economic status. Independent judicial bodies should oversee investigations and prosecutions. -/- Improving Transparency in Governance: Public access to government transactions and decision-making processes must be expanded to reduce opportunities for corruption. Digital tools, such as open data platforms, can help track government spending and prevent misuse of funds. -/- Encouraging Citizen Participation: People must be empowered to hold their leaders accountable. This includes supporting investigative journalism, encouraging whistleblowers, and engaging in peaceful protests or advocacy movements. -/- Conclusion -/- Government corruption is a complex issue rooted in systemic failures, economic pressures, and ethical erosion. While power, greed, and weak institutions contribute to corruption, the failure of the educational system and the decline of moral values play an equally significant role. Addressing corruption requires a multi-faceted approach that not only strengthens laws and institutions but also reforms education and restores ethical foundations within families. Only through a collective effort to instill integrity at all levels of society can corruption be effectively minimized, paving the way for just and accountable governance. -/- . (shrink)

This paper is an engagement with Equality by John Baker, Kathleen Lynch, Judy Walsh and Sara Cantillon. It identifies a dilemma for educational egalitarians, which arises within their theory of equality, arguing that sometimes there may be a conflict between advancing equality of opportunity and providing equality of respect and recognition, and equality of love care and solidarity. It argues that the latter values may have more weight in deciding what to do than traditional educational egalitarians have usually thought.

The present education does riot yield required results mainly because it is divorced from the real social content and social goals. We as the citizens of the republic are constitutionally committed to democracy, social justice, equality of opportunity, secularism and above all to a welfare state. Educational policy and educational programmes should not merely equip an individual to adjust with society to its customs and conventions, but it should enable him to bring desirable changes in the society. Every educational institute (...) from secondary school to University College should be developed to become an agency of change, it is the dream of Dr. B.R .Ambedkar. (shrink)

The management of Higher Education Systems has continued to suffer from plethora of concerns and issues, cardinal amongst them, is the application of conventional administrative strategies and leadership patterns, sometimes without appropriate modifications so much so, that the management effectiveness of higher education systems is gradually being eroded. This is evident in the increasing distasteful gamut of multidimensional outcomes arising from the used of dogmatic and stereotype variants of managerial principles or nothing at all, in the circumstance. Given this premise, (...) there is an urgent desire to rejig and re-engineer learning experiences that will culminate into dynamic, goal oriented and robust management packages for higher education systems with results for global acclamations, thereby, chatting new directions to fill this existing gap in the management of higher education systems in Nigeria. With humility, I introduce to you this book titled: Management of Higher Education Systems, a collection of well-researched essays. The essays in this book promises to deliver on the deliverables of its raison d’tre of job specifications and management dynamics of higher education landscape, reflecting on the global realities. This is because scholarly evidences abound, to proof that looking into the National Universities Commission’s Bench Mark Minimum Academic Standard (BMAS) of the curriculum for Educational Management as a discipline, it is obvious, that the BMAS has fallen short of global expectations and appears to be revolving within neo-colonial conventional administrative theorizing, with little or no emphasis on the practical demonstration of acquired skills, competences and capabilities for trained educational administrators, to deal with peculiarities of the moment, especially in the developing world. This felt need pushes for a paradigm shift in our curricula endeavours. It is even worse off, when experiences have continued to show, that there are deficiencies noticeable in the understanding of job requirements of educational managers of higher education systems in Nigeria. -/- It is this gap therefore, that the current effort is geared towards building this literature which seeks to address this lacuna by re-chiseling and retooling educational management practices through equipping this sophisticated discipline with up-to-date information and knowledge that will enhance the full optimaization of the job specifications, of higher educational managers, to bring into a perfect nexus of the man, job and social milieu. It is also in public domain, that managers of higher educational systems with such limitations are very often left with no option than to resort to on -the- job training by bureaucrats, who are in themselves their acolytes ab-initio and who sometimes take over leadership of the organization, owing to the existing gaps that manifest in the knowledge of educational managers, thereby reducing substantive higher education executive head to a titular head or at best ceremonial heads. -/- This book brings together articles and chapters to be published in these directions by researchers, policy makers and practitioners to re-inform, reeducate and reorient higher educational managers on their job expectations. The volume also offers a rich and relevant literature of the dynamic state of higher education in global perspective. While this publication will be freely available online, the essays in this volume are carefully selected and they will provide a basis for thematic and analytical perspectives on the concerns of management of contemporary higher education systems. -/- The book is divided into twelve thematic sections with each addressing the demands of its Kernel, as it is reflected in Historical development of higher education systems and its organs, Gloabilization of higher education, Internationalization and the labour market, Funding of higher education systems, Proliferations of higher education systems, Corruption in higher education systems and the deterioration of its estate, Internationalization and massification, Politics and leadership in higher educational systems, Academic freedom and access to higher education, Academic planning and affiliation relationship of higher education systems, Conflict management in higher education systems, Research and training in higher education systems and Inclusivity in higher education. -/- Another striking feature of this book is in its efforts at globalizing the curriculum of management of higher education and providing opportunity for scholars with different shades of opinion even on same issues but from different perspectives with the hope that it will guarantee overall effectiveness in the management of higher education systems. I recommemd this book to all with passion for the management of diferentiated higher education systems, and invite you to this intellectual feast prepared so deliciously like a meal for the gods. -/- Finally, let me reflect on what may appears to be an aberration in this context, by appreciating all authors who had found time to respond to this academic calling by their various chapter contributions. This singular act is in itself enough justification as show of interest and further demonstration of your continuous determination to address gaps in Nigerian educational landscape. Similarly, my gratitude is equally extended to all members of my editorial team for their thoughtfulness and very constructive criticisms which have shaped these scholarly presentations thereof. May the Almighty God continue to enrich the contents of your cerebrum most intellectually, for the benefit of man but to His glory. -/- The PDF contains just the preliminary pages of the book. You can order the full copy of the book by contacting the editor-in-chief, Professor John A. Undie, FNAEAP, KSM. (shrink)

Access to education for undocumented migrant children in South Africa remains a significant challenge. While the difficulties related to their inability to access education within the country have been highlighted elsewhere, there remains a lack of clarity on an approach to how this basic human right can be achieved. In this conceptual paper, we draw on the distinction between equality and equity, and describe the various ways in which education has been conceptualised in the South African Constitution – which in (...) part contributes to the existing confusion on education for various groups, including undocumented migrant children. In this paper, we critically reflects on the need to develop an integrated approach for creating a platform that allows all undocumented migrant children access to education in South Africa. We argue that an integrated approach – which entails ways through which access to education can be delivered through the lens of equity – will enhance the right to education for undocumented migrant children in South Africa. We conclude that the South African government must urgently consider this integrated approach to enable access to education for undocumented migrant children, so that they can achieve their full educational potential. (shrink)