Results for 'Machiavelli'

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  1. Political Technique, the Conflict of Umori, and Foucault’s Reading of Machiavelli in Sécurité, Territoire, Population.Sean Erwin - 2015 - Foucault Studies 19:172-190.
    For those familiar with Machiavelli’s texts, Foucault’s interpretation of Macchiavelli in his 1978 lecture series Sécurité, Territoire, Population1 is surprising. Although Machiavelli figures prominently in five of the thirteen lectures,2 Foucault treats Machiavelli as if he were the author of only one book—The Prince—and his reading treats this complex text as if it covered only one topic: how to guarantee the security of the Prince. Clearly Foucault did not intend his interpretation of Machiavelli as a close (...)
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  2. All's Fair in Love and War? Machiavelli and Ang Lee's "Ride With the Devil".James Edwin Mahon - 2013 - In Robert Arp, Adam Barkman & Nancy King (eds.), The Philosophy of Ang Lee. University Press of Kentucky. pp. 265-290.
    In this chapter I argue that Machiavelli does not hold that all deception is permissible in war. While Machiavelli claims that "deceit... in the conduct of war is laudable and honorable," he insists that such deceit, or ruses of war, is not to be confounded with perfidy. Any Lee's U.S. Civil War film, "Ride With the Devil," illustrates this difference. The film also illustrates the difference between lying as part of romance, which is permitted, and lying at the (...)
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  3. Potere politico e gioco di alleanze in Machiavelli. Funzione del conflitto sotto un governo principesco.José Luiz Ames - 2013 - Filosofia Politica 27 (2):227-250.
    The essay analyses the originality of Machiavelli's reflection about the conflict under the Prince's government, in order to point out concordances and differences with the role - more extensively studied - of conflict within a republic. The questions analysed are, first of ali, the Prince's necessity of foreseeing the institutional structures for the regulation of conflict; then, the issue of alliances for the Prince who, having taken the power with the support of the great or of the people, needs (...)
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  4.  63
    Political Ethics of Martin Rakovsky: Between Machiavelli and Luther.Vasil Gluchman - 2009 - Filozofia 64 (6):560-567.
    The writings of Martin Rakovský can be seen as a reflection of the problems, including political ones, of his time. His aim was also to offer an idea of a perfect ruler, who would bring peoples the peace and calm down the stormy events of the 16th century. The personal virtues of such a ruler should have been the guarantee of the welfare of all citizens. Given Rakovský’s religious attitude he can be regarded as a re- formation humanist standing between (...)
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  5.  82
    Freedom and conflict-confrontation of desires as background of the idea of freedom in Machiavelli.Jose Luiz Ames - 2009 - Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 50 (119):179-196.
    The article works out the thesis that to the excessive desire of the powerful for the absolute appropriation/domination it is opposed a not less excessive and absolute desire from people in order not to be appropriated/dominated: two desires of a distinct nature which are neither the desire for the same things nor the desire for different things, but desires in which the act of desiring is different. Taking into account that each desire aims at its absolute effectiveness, each one of (...)
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  6. Machiavelli Facing the Challenge of Gouvernementalité.Sean Erwin - 2013 - Foucault Studies 16:104-115.
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  7. Contingenza e verità della politica. Due studi su Machiavelli.Fabio Frosini (ed.) - 2001 - Roma: Kappa.
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  8. Machiavelli’s Realist Image of Humanity and His Justification of the State.Manuel Knoll - 2018 - Filozofija I Društvo 29 (2):182-201.
    This article examines Machiavelli’s image of humanity. It argues against the prevailing views that characterize it either as pessimistic or optimistic and defends the thesis that the Florentine has a realist image of humanity. Machiavelli is a psychological egoist who conceives of man as a being whose actions are motivated by his drives, appetites, and passions, which lead him often to immoral behavior. Man’s main drives are “ambition” (ambizione) and “avarice” (avarizia). This article also investigates Machiavelli’s concept (...)
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  9. Machiavelli and the education: the formation of the good citizen.José Luiz Ames - 2008 - Trans/Form/Ação 31 (2):137-152.
    Machiavelli is commonly known by a political theory associated to his name: "machiavellism". The initial effort of the article is to take apart Machiavellian thought from such a conception. After this it tries a detailed analysis of all occurrences of the term "education", which amounts to eleven times in his work. The hypothesis by which our reflexion is guided is that education is conceived by Machiavelli as a force addressed to control the desire's as well as the nature's (...)
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  10. POÉTICA DA VIRTÙ: UM ESTUDO DA COMÉDIA LA MANDRAGOLA DE NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI.José Luiz Ames - 2001 - Tempo da Ciência 8 (15):33-45.
    Niccolõ Machiavelli é universalmente conhecido por sua obra política. Opresente artigo serve-se de uma obra literária, mais precisamente da peça teatral La Mandragola, para desvelar o mundo ético-político do autor. Através da análise deste trabalho, procuramos mostrar que, de certo modo, o universo valorativo da obra de Machiavelli é captado de modo mais preciso na expressão cômico-satírica do que na sua reflexão política propriamente dita, pois enquanto nesta última a visão dos homens permanece como um dado de fundo, (...)
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  11. Law and violence or legitimizing politics in Machiavelli.J. L. Ames - 2011 - Trans/Form/Ação 34 (1):21-42.
    One of the Machiavelli's most famous and innovative thesis states that good laws arise from social conflicts, according to the Roman Empire example of the opposition between plebs and nobles. Conflicts are able to bring about order in virtue of the characteristic constrictive force of necessity, which prevents the ambition to prevail. Nonetheless, law does not neutralize the conflict; just give it a regulation. So, law is subjected to history, to the continuous change, which means that it is potentially (...)
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  12. La posizione del capitolo IX del Principe nel pensiero di Machiavelli.Giovanni G. Balestrieri - 2008 - Teoria Politica 24 (3).
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  13. Machiavelli in esilio: le letture di Leo Strauss e Eric Voegelin.Alejandro Bárcenas - 2013-2014 - Atti E Memorie Dell’Accademia Galileiana di Scienze, Lettere Ed Arti Già Dei Ricovrati E Patavina 126 (3):265-281.
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  14.  58
    Machiavelli e la doppia fondazione della dottrina dei conflitti sociali.Giovanni G. Balestrieri - 2010 - La Cultura: Rivista di filosofia, letteratura, storia 48 (3).
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  15. Rousseau's Debate with Machiavelli in the "Social Contract".Lionel A. McKenzie - 1982 - Journal of the History of Ideas 43 (2):209.
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  16. Reflections on Morality in Renaissance Thought.Vasil Gluchman - 2015 - Ethics and Bioethics (in Central Europe) 5 (3-4):131-139.
    We can read about the morality of that time in works by authors who describe or criticize the conduct and activity of the members of those classes taking the lead in the morality of that time. Thus, we can find a lot of information about ancient Greece and its morality in Plato’s presentation of Socrates, Peter Abelard presenting the Middle Ages, Erasmus of Rotterdam, Niccolo Machiavelli, Baldesar Castiglione, but even also Slovak authors such as Martin Rakovský and Juraj Koppay (...)
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  17. Anthropologie, Religion und Politik in der praktischen Philosophie al-Fārābīs und in den politischen Traktaten Machiavellis.Georgios Steiris - 2014 - In M. Stork V. Pantazis (ed.), Ommasin allois, Festschrift für Professor Ioannis E. Theodoropoulos zum 65. Geburtstag. Oldib Verlag. pp. 151-189.
    Die ethische und politische Philosophie al-Fārābīs beruht auf einer philosophischen Anthropologie, die die Menschen als von Natur aus als ungleich betrachtet und der Natur eine fundamentale Bedeutung zuschreibt. Die Natur stattet nur wenige Menschen mit besonderen Fähigkeiten aus, sodass die Verwirklichung der höheren theoretischen, geistigen, moralischen Tugend und der praktischen Kunst nur jene betrifft, die von der Natur dafür ausersehen wurden. Die Anthropologie ist darüber hinaus auch ein wichtiges Instrument politischen Handelns. Der Herrscher muss sich kontinuierlich dem Studium der menschlichen (...)
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  18. Storie, ipotesi, gradi di verità.Venanzio Raspa - 2014 - Metodo. International Studies in Phenomenology and Philosophy 2 (2):141-163.
    Stories express hypotheses, interpretations of the world that have a certain degree of probability. To demonstrate this thesis I have adopted the notion of hypothesis, in a sense very close to the Meinongian concept of assumption, and a ‘metric’ conception of the values of the truth or falsity of a proposition – as that has been proposed in several ways by Peirce, Vasil’ev and Meinong. To show the the cognitive value of literary texts, and therefore their truth value, I take (...)
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  19. Mary Astell's Machiavellian Moment? Politics and Feminism in Moderation Truly Stated.Jacqueline Broad - 2011 - In Jo Wallwork & Paul Salzman (eds.), Early Modern Englishwomen Testing Ideas. Ashgate. pp. 9-23.
    In The Women of Grub Street (1998), Paula McDowell highlighted the fact that the overwhelming majority of women’s texts in early modern England were polemical or religio-political in nature rather than literary in content. Since that time, the study of early modern women’s political ideas has dramatically increased, and there have been a number of recent anthologies, modern editions, and critical analyses of female political writings. As a result of Patricia Springborg’s research, Mary Astell (1668-1731) has risen to prominence as (...)
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  20. Republicanismo conflitual e agonismo democrático pluralista.José Luiz Ames - 2012 - Princípios: Revista de Filosofia 19 (31):209-234.
    This paper aims to point out that Machiavelli’s contribution can go beyond from merely an articulation between individual freedom and civic participation, as viewed by Skinner. It can be showed that Machiavelli’s most fruitful contribution is in his conception of conflict as a ineradicable dimension of politics, which is an aspect neglected by Skinner when he reduced it to a form among others of cultivation of civic virtue. Drawing upon reflections developed in the last decades by Chantal Mouffe, (...)
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  21.  40
    Transformações do significado de conflito na "História de Florença" de Maquiavel.José Luiz Ames - 2014 - Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 55 (129):265-286.
    exam of the issue of conflict since the “History of Florence” provides us with elements capable to show the Machiavellian reflection does not evolve according to such a simple and linear way as it is shown in the “Discourses”. In fact, investigation will reveal that the opposition between the two types of conflict – positive conflict and negative conflict –, described in the “Discourses”, is progressively defined, from the analysis of Florentian history, as being just one type – the tragic (...)
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  22. On the History of Political Philosophy: Great Political Thinkers From Thucydides to Locke.W. Julian Korab-Karpowicz - 2012 - New York: Routledge.
    On the History of Political Philosophy: Great Political Thinkers from Thucydides to Locke is a lively and lucid account of the major political theorists and philosophers of the ancient Greek, Roman, medieval, renaissance, and early modern periods. The author demonstrates the continuing significance of some political debates and problems that originated in the history of political philosophy. Topics include discussions concerning human nature, different views of justice, the origin of government and law, the rise and development of different forms of (...)
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  23.  79
    Our Element: Flesh and Democracy in Merleau-Ponty.Martín Plot - 2012 - Continental Philosophy Review 45 (2):235-259.
    Although Merleau-Ponty’s early phenomenology of perception and his essays on art, politics, and language already showed an affinity between the aesthetic phenomena of expression and style and the political and cultural dynamics of society at large, this paper specifically focuses on his late theorizing of the notion of flesh and its relevance to his late understanding of politics and democracy. The emergence of flesh as a concept was contemporary to Merleau-Ponty’s break with Marxism as a philosophical model and with revolutionary (...)
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  24. Uso político da religião e uso religioso da política: uma análise a partir de duas interpretações exemplares - Marsílio e Maquiavel.José Luiz Ames - 2014 - Clareira: Revista de Filosofia da Região Amazônica 1 (2):220-239.
    We are presently confronted with an impressive growth of the religious phenomenon. This can be observed not only related to both the outbreak of new religions and the increasing attendance to worship services, but also for the presence of the religious language in the political discourse. We can see nowadays a political use of religion and a religious use of politics. When we approach the religions in a large scale perspective is possible to verify that in all of them both (...)
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  25. UMA TEORIA DO CONFLITO: MAQUIAVEL E MARX.José Luiz Ames - 2008 - Educere Et Educare 3 (6):55-66.
    This article intends to establish a contact between two proscribed thinkers: Machiavelli and Marx. Although apart in time and in political vision, they offer the possibility of a reflection which is able to provide mutual fecundation. We want to show that Machiavelli’s pessimism and Marx’s optimism both derive from the diverse understanding of what provokes the fundamental division of society into two fundamental antagonistic groups. Whereas one treats it as a division of opposite desires, to the other it (...)
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  26. The Vitality and Importance of Early Modern Aristotelianism.Christia Mercer - 1993 - In Tom Sorell (ed.), The Rise Of Modern Philosophy: The Tension Between the New and Traditional Philosophies from Machiavelli to Leibniz. Oxford University Press.
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  27.  51
    Denying Liberty in Order to Make Room for Freedom: Liberalism, Conservatism, and Kant's Political Philosophy.Vadim Chaly - 2015 - Voprosi Filosofii (The Problems of Philosophy) 9:66-78.
    The aim of this essay is to clarify the meaning and extent of Kant's liberalism by contrasting some of his key ideas to those of Burke, Hobbes, Machiavelli, Nozick, Rawls, and Schmitt. My claim is that Kant's political philosophy navigates the path between the extremes of liberalism and conservatism, just as his theoretical philosophy tries to navigate between dogmatism and skepticism, and that current liberal claim on Kant has important limitations in Kant's letter, as well as in spirit.
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  28.  56
    Introduction. Modeling and Measuring Cycles, Processes, and Trends.Leonid Grinin & Andrey Korotayev - 2014 - In History & Mathematics: Trends and Cycles. Volgograd, Russia: Uchitel Publishing House. pp. 5-8.
    The present Yearbook (which is the fourth in the series) is subtitled Trends & Cycles. Already ancient historians (see, e.g., the second Chapter of Book VI of Polybius' Histories) described rather well the cyclical component of historical dynamics, whereas new interesting analyses of such dynamics also appeared in the Medieval and Early Modern periods (see, e.g., Ibn Khaldūn 1958 [1377], or Machiavelli 1996 [1531] 1). This is not surprising as the cyclical dynamics was dominant in the agrarian social systems. (...)
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  29. Pleasure.Cory Wimberly - 2015 - In Blackwell Encyclopedia of Political Thought. Chichester: Blackwell. pp. 2716-2720.
    The history of the political thought on pleasure is not a cloistered affair in which scholars only engage one another. In political thought, one commonly finds a critical engagement with the wider public and the ruling classes, which are both perceived to be dangerously hedonistic. The effort of many political thinkers is directed towards showing that other political ends are more worthy than pleasure: Plato battles vigorously against Calicles' pleasure seeking in the Gorgias, Augustine argues in The City of God (...)
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  30. Religião e política no pensamento de Maquiavel.J. L. Ames - 2006 - Kriterion: Journal of Philosophy 47 (113):51-72.
    For Machiavelli, religion is valued not by the importance of its founder, the content of its teachings, the truth of its dogmas or the significance of its rites. It is not the essence of what really matters but its function and importance for collective life. Religion teaches to recognize and respect political rules through the religious commandments. This collective norm could assume the outer coercive aspect of the military discipline as well as the inner persuasive character of civic and (...)
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  31.  55
    Igualdade Política: base do Estado maquiaveliano.José Luiz Ames - 2015 - Síntese: Revista de Filosofia 42 (133):252-262.
    The fully understanding of the Machiavellian concept of the State depends on the determination of the idea of political equality. Political equality must be conceived, in its turn, as domination equality and absence of privilege/precedence; in other words, absence of subordination. Taking into account a definition such as that, the Machiavellian model of the State could only be the Republic. So, this paper argues G. Pancera`s view, proposed in his book “Maquiavel entre Repúblicas”, that such model of the State was (...)
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  32.  60
    St. Thomas Aquinas and the Development Natural Law in Economics Thought.Muhammad Rashid - 2020 - Journal of Economic and Social Thought 7 (1).
    Building on the system of reason provided for by the Greek philosopher and specifically Aristotle, St. Thomas Aquinas built a comprehensive system and theory of natural law which has lasted through the ages. The theory was further developed in the Middle Ages and in the Enlightenment Ages by many a prominent philosopher and economist and has been recognized in the Modern Age. The natural law-theory and system has been repeatedly applied to the spheres of economic thought and has produced many (...)
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