Critical Theory

Customer ratings and reviews are playing a key role in the contemporary platform economy. To establish trust among stran- gers without having to directly monitor platform users themselves, companies ask people to evaluate each other. Firms like Uber, Deliveroo, or Airbnb construct digital reputation scores by combining these consumer data with their own information from the algorithmic surveillance of workers. Trustworthy behavior is subsequently rewarded with a good reputation score and higher potential earnings, while untrustworthy behavior can be algorithmically penalized. (...) However, can these technolo- gies themselves be trusted? Are they reliable communicators of trustworthy market behavior and do they fairly distribute the benefits and burdens of the online economy among platform companies, consumers, and workers? The implementation of Digital Reputation Systems (DRSs) has obvious advantages, like reducing adjudication costs and enhancing consumer trust, but there are also disadvantages that are predominantly offloaded on workers. Taking Airbnb’s DRS as my case study, I use Stephan Lessenich’s theory of the externalization society to argue that DRSs concentrate the benefits of the platform economy among consumers and platform companies while pushing negative externalities mostly unto workers. (shrink)

Charles W. Mills developed an argument against ideal theorizing that is inspired by the early writings of Marx and Engels. He argues that the development and refinement of non-ideal theories contributes more to ending oppressive power structures than the development and refinement of ideal theories. For this reason, he concludes that ideal theories play the role of an ideology. In this article, I expose a yet undiagnosed weakness of this argument: I point out that history is rife with examples of (...) political organizations that struggle to identify an effective political practice because they find themselves in a situation of theoretical crisis. Thus, contra Mills, it turns out that ideal theorizing is sometimes a more viable strategy to end oppressive power structures than non-ideal theorizing. So, if we accept the basic premises of Mills’s argument, it turns out that non-ideal theorizing should be classified as an ideology as well. To further corroborate this claim, I point out some problems for Mills’s interpretation of Marx and Engels. If my assessment is right, then it turns out to be unclear if the intellectual authorities that Mills invokes actually lend support to his critique of ideal theorizing. (shrink)

European Journal of Philosophy, EarlyView.

This interview was conducted in the Summer of 2024 as part of a publishing project about surplus populations and their modes of resistance for the Flemish literary journal nY. Lietje Bauwens and Tivadar Vervoort interviewed Daniel Loick for the occasion of his newest book, Die Überlegenheit der Unterlegenen (Suhrkamp 2024), which discusses a standpoint-theoretical approach to the politics of counter-communities—marginalized social groups that develop better forms of life than those typical of hegemonic social formations.

Michel Foucault argued that a key modality of state racism is biopower, through which the life of populations is differentially supported, shaped, and neglected. However, Foucault’s account of state racism is unfinished, because it fails to identify the modalities of power that persist when states withdraw life-supporting technologies from racialized populations, thereby committing “indirect murder.” This article develops Foucault’s account of racism and the racial state by describing the carceral technologies that expand with the withdrawal of biopower. To do so, (...) it draws on Foucault’s theorization of carcerality in Discipline and Punish. It argues that biopolitical withdrawal is doubled by a simultaneous carceral investment, such that the state’s denial of life-supporting technologies occurs in tandem with the racially structured policing of the poor. Additionally, this article explains how Foucault’s concept of the management of illegalisms identifies a key vehicle of racialization, and illuminates the utility of carceral systems to racial capitalism. (shrink)

What comes after postmodernism? There are many answers to this question. In Alexander Pavlov's book ‘Post-postmodernism. How Social and Cultural Theories Explain Our Time’ a philosophical arbitration is conducted to reveal a legitimate description of our cultural epoch. The purpose of this article is to assess the author's position and identify its controversial points. In particular, arguments are given in favor of the fact that Pavlov's position does not depend on Frederick Jameson's theory, and the author himself does not find (...) convincing ways to show Jameson's fundamental importance for contemporary theories of culture. (shrink)

In his new book, La société automatique, Bernard Stiegler departs from a philosophical tradition that opposes autonomy and automatization so as to position automatization at the core of biological, social, and technical forms of life. Responding to the rise of the digital—as the increasing automatization of processes of selection through computational means—Stiegler’s project challenges us to recognize contemporary life as automatic. This shift in approach inevitably recalibrates the ontogenetic grounds of contemporary culture, and necessitates a reconsideration of sociocultural practices from (...) the standpoint of the digital modes of algorithmic existence that are enacted within our midst. -/- Anaïs Nony: Thank you very much, Bernard Stiegler, for having me in Paris today, in your Institute for Research and Innovation. You just finished a new book titled La société automatique. Can you explain what you mean by “automatic society,” and especially that element of it that refers to the self, autos (αὐτός) in Greek? What does it mean to apply this concept to the social order? -/- Bernard Stiegler: Thank you for these questions. First I must say that what I call automatic society is produced by the technology of automatism that is digital technology. (shrink)

This paper is an unfolding dialogue filled with questions and half-answers between three activists and engaged researchers from Eastern Europe, looking into the connections between different social movements, building internationalist solidarity and the possibility of (total) liberation. We think through issues such as the hegemony of what counts as politically relevant in a globalized world, the overrepresentation of Man following Sylvia Wynter, pain and grief in the face of current (social and ecological) crises and joining the fights for human and (...) animal liberation. Drawing from feminist, queer, antispeciesist and Indigenous theories, as well as from our personal experiences, this exchange sinuously follows the question: What is to be done to always already facilitate the process of blooming into queer, decolonial and antispeciesist worlds? (shrink)

O artigo propõe um fio condutor para a abordagem do problema da técnica na crítica da economia política de Marx e, ao mesmo tempo, para a determinação da relação entre técnica e economia sob o capitalismo. Localizando na noção de valor de uso o ponto de apoio que permite esboçar um tratamento da questão, avança-se a hipótese de que o processo de subsunção real do trabalho sob o capital também pode ser pensado de modo expandido a respeito do valor de (...) uso. Isso é possível a partir de uma leitura transversal do duplo caráter da mercadoria (valor e valor de uso) a partir de categorias teleológicas (meios e fins). O objetivo, aqui apenas programaticamente indicado, é a formulação de uma crítica categorial da técnica que permita lidar teoricamente com os desafios dos colapsos econômico e climático do capitalismo tecnologicamente avançado. (shrink)

This paper examines to what extent Jaeggi’s concept of alienation can account for instances of alienation that have a social cause and require a social solution. The paper argues that there are three interrelated problems with her account of alienation. First, Jaeggi’s conception of alienation is unable to make a distinction between individual and social causes of alienation. Second, Jaeggi constructs alienation as an individual failure to appropriate norms and roles properly, but in doing so, conflates two requirements for appropriation, (...) namely, objective appropriability, and successful appropriation. Third, the failure to make this distinction causes Jaeggi to be unable to understand alienation truly as a social pathology because she is unable to distinguish incidental sources for alienation from structural, social sources for alienation. Only the second kind of alienation can count as a social pathology. A solution is proposed to overcome those problems, namely to understand instances of structural alienation as blockages of social freedom. Structural alienation occurs if social structures make self-determination impossible, so that alienation is the result of a structural flaw. Understanding alienation in this way enables us to think of alienation as a social problem that requires a social solution. This is an important insight because, given the centrality of the concept of alienation, it suggests a way in which the concept of alienation can be used in the tradition of critical theory to criticize social conditions. (shrink)

Noology is the technical life of ideology. It works at the formal and technical production of knowledge, rather than focusing on the content displayed by a specific system of thought. There are two reasons why the notion of noology must play a role in today’s critical and political debates. First, the concept of ideology has lost its relevance since its everyday meaning is far removed from the original meaning Karl Marx gave it; today ideology mainly means “political doctrine,” right-wing, left-wing, (...) or the entire spectrum of shades between the two. Expressions such as “an ideology” or “ideologies” are used in critical analysis, while for Marx “ideology” has always come without any pronoun. Ideology now presents itself as an “inversion of causalities producing illusions.”1 The second reason has to do with the changes in the modes of production since the 1970s, and the rise of the post-Fordist economy, or “neoliberalism.” Since the 1970s, the end of ideologies has been proclaimed (epitomised by Daniel Bell). Given this context, noology critique demonstrates that the work of ideology in today’s economy plays out at an infrastructural level, in social organs that materially institutionalise thought and ideas, and not simply at the level of the immaterial culture of political parties and discourses (superstructure). (shrink)

This short article represents a contribution to the debate on the motion “Social science is explanation, or it is nothing.” While in the format of parliamentary debating the contribution would fall on the side of the opposition, I will not be arguing against explanation as such. The work of explaining is in no way oppositional to or mutually exclusive with critique. Instead, my contribution will revolve around two arguments: one is that both critique and explanation exhibit characteristics we commonly attribute (...) to science; the other is that reserving the label of science for explanation draws a boundary around social sciences in ways that exclude many of the interesting things it does. Some of the examples include the sociological analysis of governmental approaches to the COVID-19 pandemic, or critical analysis of concepts such as “cancel culture” or “terrorism.” The conclusion is that explanation and critique are mutually supporting elements of science, and that combined they give us insights we cannot glean from either alone. (shrink)

Historia y conciencia de clase es considerado un libro decisivo en el surgimiento de diversas problemáticas filosóficas, políticas y estéticas a principio de siglo XX. Su repercusión puede apreciarse en filosofías y perspectivas que, desde otros ámbitos teóricos, reconocieron en esta obra el abordaje de temas determinantes de la modernidad. El artículo se detiene al análisis de tres núcleos teóricos considerados medulares en Historia y conciencia de clase, y que se discurre ayudan a leer críticamente el mundo contemporáneo, a saber: (...) vida cotidiana, tiempo abstracto y cosificación. Se profundizarán estas tres vías de acceso como posibilidades de reapropiación crítica de la propuesta lukácsiana, tomando como marco analítico la óptica de la “Crítica del valor”, algunos planteos de Karl Marx y la presentación de ciertas críticas a su proyecto, todo para demostrar la vigorosidad y pertinencia del escrito para comprender dinámicas sustanciales de la realidad social presente. (shrink)

Este ensayo se propone realizar un trabajo exploratorio sobre la influencia que el Fausto de Goethe tuvo en la confección de la versión definitiva de la teoría del valor de Marx, observando la centralidad de las veces que acude a esta obra y, en especial, a los versos 2140-2141, una de las citas más empleadas por él en todas sus obras. Se parte de la hipótesis de que Fausto tiene una importancia capital en la construcción del concepto de “sujeto automático”, (...) y de que el empleo de la cita por parte de Marx no actúa solo como un amplificador de expresividad lingüística, sino que tiene valor epistémico. Tomando como marco analítico la óptica de la “crítica del valor”, se pretende demostrar que Fausto es subsumido, incorporado, como una parte constitutiva del todo que es su teoría del valor. (shrink)

In “Modern Abstract Sacrifice in Robespierre’s Terror and Hitler’s Holocaust,” I use Hegel’s analysis of Robespierre’s Terror in the Phenomenology and Adorno and Horkheimer’s analysis of the Nazi Holocaust in the Dialectic of Enlightenment to identify what I term “modern abstract sacrifice” as the dominant kind of instrumental destruction that took place during these nation-building mass-sacrifices. As I show, these events relied upon a justificatory instrumental logic—a sacrificial story—even if that sacrificial story broke down or was abandoned in practice, in (...) which case the destruction became indiscriminate rather than targeted. First, I analyze Hegel’s critique of the Reign of Terror, which he sees as a product of the immediate identity of the general will and the individual will: the revolutionaries collapsed the will of all and the will of each, rendering individuality as such logically impossible. As a result, all individuals became objects of suspicion worthy of sacrifice by guillotine, for the sake of guaranteeing the triumph of the state based on reason. Next, I analyze Adorno and Horkheimer’s critique of the fascist sacrifice of the Jewish people using their political-economic and pathological theories of antisemitism. Adorno and Horkheimer see fascist antisemitism as a manifestation of the logic of substitution, operative in both liberal capitalist ideology—in which the Jewish people represent the forces of capital, obsolete pre-modern tradition, and statelessness—as well as fascist ideology—in which the Jewish people represent the metaphysical forces of evil and “negativity as such.” Finally, I assert that the principal commonality between modern abstract sacrifice in the Terror and the Holocaust is the fact that the victims were all reduced to exchangeable representatives of an abstract category, in spite of the fact that their unique identities were indispensable for the ideological justification of these mass-sacrifices. (shrink)

By bringing feminist science studies scholar Donna J. Haraway’s A manifesto for cyborgs (1985) and Situated knowledges (1988) in line with contemporary critical new materialist thought (see Colman & Van der Tuin, 2024; Dolphijn & Van der Tuin, 2012; Geerts, 2022), this critical pedagogical and philosophical think piece tackles the problematic of Anthropocenic disruptions of the planetary biosphere for critical pedagogies and higher education (also see Carstens, 2016). It additionally encourages its readers to think through their own pedagogical conceptions and (...) praxes by means of irruptive (Geerts & Carstens, 2024; Koro-Ljungberg, 2015) selfreflection- stimulating questions. Our situated – and thus limited and open-ended – response to this all-encompassing Anthropocenic crisis is rooted in a rethinking of Harawayan cyborgian and situated knowledges and the critical pedagogical lessons drawn from the latter. Rereading Haraway’s work through contemporary critical new materialist and related scholarship reveals that it already contained an ecofeminist onto-epistemological shift toward more-than-human agency and relationality. This shift has major consequences for all things critical pedagogical and educational, as our pedagogical thinking-doings are deeply embedded in today’s crisis-ridden lifeworld. This rereading exercise furthermore underlines the necessity of an updated critical new materialist pedagogical praxis for learning and teaching, inspired by Harawayan ecofeminism, that takes the entanglements between human, dehumanised, and more-than-human actors seriously. (shrink)

The battlefield of the Anthropocene is a tragic one. It begins at the end. It emerges out of melancholy, in the locality of being not-dead-yet. As an Epoch dating the human impact on earth, the Anthropocene looks like a graveyard-to-come, one in which the story of humankind is writing its own epitaph in real time. The tragedy of our moment, or the tragic moment of our action means having to act despite knowing it is too late, searching for hope in (...) the dark. This tragedy produces the sensation that humankind must necessarily face its own limits. And these limits are telling a story that is not a happy one: we cannot keep up with the pace of such an entropic boneyard. When it comes to the massive eradications of people and species, no one can justify the feelings of sympathy that proliferate against a back- ground of intellectual numbness. The battlefield of the Anthropocene is one that demands action. (shrink)

This article draws on Bernard Stiegler and Gilbert Simondon’s work to further interrogate the psychic, social, and political problems raised by the development of Artificial Intelligence. Stiegler’s political philosophy of time-consciousness reveals three concomitants urgencies: human memory is conditioned by industrial supplements that are increasingly disruptive, capitalism has produced an entropic condition where life on earth is threaten by toxic systems, the deployment of technologies of spirits has striped individuals of their psychic and collective individuation. I read media theory along (...) with Simondon’s philosophy to elucidate the question of mediation in today’s reticulated AI-driven society. (shrink)

In a common, pejorative sense of it, ideology consists in attitudes whose presence contributes to sustaining, by making them seem legitimate, social orders that are problematic. An important way a social order can be problematic concerns the prospects for well-being facing the people living in it. It can make some people wind up worse off than they could and should be. They have “real interests” that are not properly served by the social order, and the interests aligned with it are (...) in fact “false,” merely “apparent,” or “distorted.” Ideology critique consists in part in noting the existence of such different interests, and in challenging the latter to facilitate the fulfillment of the former. This picture of ideology critique implies that ideology thwarts well-being. This paper aims to clarify, develop, and vindicate this picture. It argues that ideology critique should indeed draw (inter alia) on prudential considerations, and that a specifically objectivist view of well-being would be fitting. The fruitfulness of this approach is shown by exploring the specific case of the critique of working practices in contemporary capitalism. (shrink)

I argue in this paper that Paulo Freire’s work Pedagogy of the oppressed should be reconsidered as a contribution to critical theory, given its proximity to first-generation critical theory concerning both theory and praxis. Pedagogy of the oppressed, I argue, is well suited to provide a viable praxis for the social critique provided by first-generation critical theory. While Freire’s critique in Pedagogy of the oppressed can be viewed typically as pedagogical in character, if we consider Freire’s classroom as a microcosm (...) of society, it mirrors the dialectical relations of both the oppressor and oppressed. Pedagogy of the oppressed offers a means of overcoming the state of social oppression through a total social liberating praxis. Consequently, I argue that Pedagogy of the oppressed should be reconsidered as a contribution to first-generation critical theory. (shrink)

El presente artículo pretende dilucidar los motivos fundamentales de la recepción de F. W. J. Schelling en los jóvenes hegelianos (I), el marxismo (II) y la Teoría Crítica (III) estableciendo ciertos paralelismos y divergencias respecto al modo en que fue acogida su obra en el seno de estas tres tradiciones. En el primer apartado se toma en consideración el alcance de este influjo en la obra de L. Feuerbach, así como en algunos escritos de juventud de F. Engels. A continuación, (...) se examinan los aspectos centrales de su recepción en G. Lukács y, en menor medida, en la obra de otros autores como E. Bloch o E. Dussel. Por último, vienen a apuntarse las temáticas principales de esa recepción en la Teoría Crítica, especialmente allí donde es más pronunciada, en los casos de H. Marcuse, J. Habermas y Th. W. Adorno. (shrink)

El fermento psicológico del fascismo en las sociedades capitalistas tardías aparece vinculado al proceso de debilitamiento del yo y al necesario entrelazamiento de las disposiciones subjetivas con factores situacionales. Desentrañar los mecanismos que inciden en la expansión del carácter potencialmente fascista requiere de un análisis de las tendencias de la personalidad que favorecen su arraigo y cómo se ven fomentadas por determinados procesos sociales. El presente artículo se centra en el influjo y la interacción de tres factores objetivos y tres (...) factores subjetivos. Para ello nos apoyamos principalmente en los estudios sobre la propaganda fascista y la cultura de masas llevados a cabo por los autores de la primera Teoría Crítica. (shrink)

Im Umgang mit dem, was geschieht, lassen sich grundsätzlich zwei Weisen unterscheiden: Einer offenen, irritationsfreudigen Umgangsweise steht eine Erlebensweise gegenüber, die eher dazu neigt, Erlebtes zu vereindeutigen, mit ihm so schnell wie möglich fertig zu werden, es möglichst schnell möglichst abschließend zu begreifen. Während eine Person, die ersterem zuneigt, etwa einen in alltäglicher Konversation geäußerten Satz daraufhin abklopft, welche Über- und Hintersinne noch mit ihm angespielt und ausgesagt sein könnten, ob das, was sie zu hören meinte, auch wirklich das ist, (...) was gemeint war, weiß jemand, der eher letzterem zugeneigt ist, meist recht schnell recht genau, was sie oder er gehört hat, was das wohl zu bedeuten und wie man damit weiter zu verfahren hat. Während erstere dabei Gefahr läuft, die Welt durch Vervieldeutigung unnötig zu verkomplizieren, die Geschmeidigkeit der alltäglichen Gesprächs- und Interaktionsmechanik durch unnötige Rückfragen, Fremd- und Selbstirritationen zum Stocken zu bringen, läuft letztere Gefahr, sich – für sich selbst unbemerkt – in einer verarmten Welt einzurichten, an der viele, von anderen registrierte Phänomene durch vorschnelle Vereindeutigung einfach unregistriert vorbeigleiten. (shrink)

How did immigrant scholars such as Rudolf Carnap, Max Horkheimer, and Alfred Schütz influence the development of American philosophy? Why was the U.S. community more receptive to logical empiricism than to critical theory or phenomenology? This volume brings together fifteen historians of philosophy to explore the impact of the intellectual migration. -/- In the 1930s, the rise of fascism forced dozens of philosophers to flee to the United States. Prominent logical empiricists acquired positions at prestigious U.S. universities. Critical theorists moved (...) their Frankfurt School to Columbia University. And a group of phenomenologists taught at the New School for Social Research. Though many refugee scholars acquired some American following, logical empiricism had the biggest impact on academic philosophy. The exiled empiricists helped the country turn into a bastion of ‘analytic philosophy’ after the war. Phenomenology and critical theory became prominent schools from the 1970s onwards and continue to be influential in American philosophy today. -/- This is the first book to investigate to the migration from an integrated perspective, bringing together historians of American philosophy, logical empiricism, phenomenology, and critical theory. (shrink)

La crítica de Horkheimer al empirismo lógico del Círculo de Viena en su ensayo “El último ataque a la metafísica” (1937) motivó la respuesta de Neurath, principal blanco de las críticas, con la redacción del texto “Ciencia unificada y empirismo lógico: una réplica” (1937). En el presente artículo nos ocupamos de dilucidar el contexto de la polémica entre la Teoría Crítica y el empirismo lógico. Tomamos como eje argumental de nuestra exposición el conjunto de temáticas sobre las que Horkheimer fundamentó (...) sus críticas, así como las distintas respuestas que ofreció Neurath ante tales invectivas. Asimismo, se muestran los paralelismos existentes que vinculan esta primera polémica con la “disputa sobre el positivismo” (Positivismusstreit). (shrink)

La crítica de Horkheimer al empirismo lógico del Círculo de Viena en su ensayo “El último ataque a la metafísica” (1937) motivó la respuesta de Neurath, principal blanco de las críticas, con la redacción del texto “Ciencia unificada y empirismo lógico: una réplica” (1937). En el presente artículo nos ocupamos de dilucidar el contexto de la polémica entre la Teoría Crítica y el empirismo lógico. Tomamos como eje argumental de nuestra exposición el conjunto de temáticas sobre las que Horkheimer fundamentó (...) sus críticas, así como las distintas respuestas que ofreció Neurath ante tales invectivas. Asimismo, se muestran los paralelismos existentes que vinculan esta primera polémica con la “disputa sobre el positivismo” (Positivismusstreit). (shrink)

En el primer apartado del artículo nos ocupamos de la relación que Karl Korsch mantuvo con el Instituto de Investigación Social y con sus figuras más representativas, desde sus primeros años de funcionamiento en Frankfurt hasta el exilio en los Estados Unidos (1). En la segunda parte se lleva a cabo un contraste entre lo que Korsch y la primera Teoría Crítica entendían por ‘realización de la filosofía’ (2). Se añade un apéndice estructurado en tres temáticas suplementarias: la recepción del (...) positivismo en la obra de Korsch (a), su vinculación con el leninismo (b) y sus críticas a la ‘teoría del colapso’ (Zusammenbruchstheorie) (c). (shrink)

Comúnmente percibido como un elemento neutral e inocente, incluso un componente aliado e indispensable en las aspiraciones de proyectos sociales alternativos, la primera parte de este artículo se dedica a problematizar el valor de uso, subrayando el particular fetichismo que le es inherente. Su tratamiento crítico se complementa con un detenido estudio de la forma natural, dimensión imprescindible sin la que la crítica de la economía política quedaría inconclusa. El artículo pretende, entonces, en primer lugar, poner al descubierto la problemática (...) del valor de uso a lo interno de la obra de Karl Marx. Seguidamente, se observará su particular fetichismo rescatando argumentos feministas, antropológicos y filosóficos que ayuden a apreciar su dimensión y carácter históricamente específico. A continuación, se profundizará la forma natural y sus principales características, registro sin el cual la dimensión problemática del valor de uso no se comprendería. Acudiendo a los planteamientos de Bolívar Echeverría, se revisitará la forma natural puntualizando la dimensión semiótica como un componente central suyo. Finalmente, el texto cierra poniendo al descubierto las facetas, trampas y problemáticas inherentes a estas dos nociones, reivindicando la importancia de distinguirlas en un momento de desafíos ecológicos donde repensar el intercambio metabólico con el medio ambiente se torna crucial para la humanidad. (shrink)

El afán de hallar un soporte antropológico u ontológico fundamental capaz de otorgar validez normativa a la crítica de la sociedad devino un recurso filosófico habitual en las contribuciones teóricas de numerosos autores a lo largo de los siglos XIX y XX. En contraste con la crítica inmanente, que se esfuerza por localizar en la propia realidad social los parámetros normativos y las posibilidades históricas para la crítica y la transformación de esa misma realidad, la crítica antropológica tomaba como criterio (...) para la crítica y la transformación social la remisión a parámetros normativos externos, en concreto la referencia a un concepto de esencia o naturaleza humana ubicado en un nivel ontológico o antropológico fundamental. La facticidad histórica del capitalismo se cuestionaba porque invertía la esencia genérica (Gattungswesen) del ser humano, o bien porque obstaculizaba su adecuada plasmación en el plano óntico de la realidad. Se trataba, en definitiva, de crear las condiciones oportunas para una apropiación por parte del ser humano de su propia naturaleza, de su verdadera esencia. (shrink)

This paper develops an understanding of climate denial as an expression of alienation in the sense described by Marx. We first argue for an expanded and differentiated conception of climate denial, theorizing four distinct types that go beyond the simple rejection of an anthropogenic warming trend: naturalist denialism, technological denialism, gradualist denialism, and politicized denialism. We then claim that these forms of climate denial illustrate and are illustrative of Marx’s concept of alienation from species-being (Gattungswesen). The article is intended as (...) a contribution to the growing literature on climate denial as a social and ideological problem rather than as an individual epistemic or moral issue. (shrink)

Im besonderen philosophischen Kontext des Zwischenkriegsdeutschlands entwickelte der junge Marcuse eine originelle Rezeption in marxistischer Perspektive der existenziellen Phänomenologie und der Lebensphilosophie (I). In seinen ersten Aufsätzen »Beiträge zu einer Phänomenologie des Historischen Materialismus« (1928) und »Über konkrete Philosophie« (1929) orientierte sich diese Rezeption am Projekt der Erarbeitung einer dialektischen Phänomenologie und in Verbindung damit an dem Versuch, die radikale Tat auf den ontologischen Begriff der Geschichtlichkeit zu gründen, ohne eine materielle Komponente zu vernachlässigen (II, III, IV). In der Auseinandersetzung (...) mit dem fundamentalontologisch anmutenden ›Verfall‹ des Daseins entwarf Marcuse überdies die Grundlagen seiner konkreten Philosophie der Praxis (V). (shrink)

Partiendo de un análisis introductorio en torno a las diversas interpretaciones del concepto de historicidad (Geschichtlichkeit) en las obras de W. Dilthey, P. Yorck von Wartenburg y M. Heidegger, se considera seguidamente el modo como esta polémica fue recepcionada por el joven H. Marcuse (1). En discusión con la sociología alemana de su época (K. Mannheim, S. Landshut, H. Freyer), Marcuse pretende continuar el proyecto de inclusión de la historicidad en las ciencias del espíritu iniciado por Dilthey con una orientación (...) ontológica procedente de Heidegger (2). Si primero interpreta a G. W. F. Hegel desde parámetros próximos a la filosofía de la vida (Dilthey) y a la ontología fundamental (Heidegger), a medida que se acerca a la obra de K. Marx el enfoque ontológico y vitalista deja paso a una aproximación materialista, donde conceptos como razón, mediación, libertad y actualidad adquieren un papel preponderante (3). (shrink)

The need for gender recognition is widespread, even when hypervisibility and other effects of trans antagonism make that need dangerous for trans people. This reason partially accounts for why, in trans critique, recognition is a dirty word. As a political aim, and to some extent as a moral norm, trans critiques encourage dropping recognition. On the other hand, social philosophers often view recognition as a solution to misrecognition and take recognition to be a remedy for injustice. In my view, recognition (...) should neither be dropped nor held as a foundational norm for trans emancipation. First, I present three ways trans recognition is ambivalent. Second, evaluating Axel Honneth’s observations about the entwinement of recognition and domination, I argue that recognition is an ambivalent norm for trans critique and struggle. Third, I propose studying trans recognitive practices (rather than recognition in abstract) and I illuminate what might set trans/t4t recognition acts apart from their cis-grounded analogues, centering the roles of the body and space/place as resources of trans/t4t recognitive practices, and how such practices focus on the subject’s change and becoming over their identification. (shrink)

We live in times of an increasing polarization in which the margins of the political spectrum begin to dominate our social imagination again. While the neoliberal iteration of the capitalist project suggests an extreme individualism as the normative default position, the devastating impact of the globalized economy on many has reignited the pursuit of socialist alternatives. In this constellation, Simmel’s social theory of modernity can be a useful resource to undercut the return of the old battle between opposite economic systems. (...) This paper argues that two kinds of pluralism can be derived from his conceptualization of the social effects of the money economy. In contrast to one-size-fits-all concepts of freedom, Simmel embraces a social pluralism which acknowledges a plurality of cultural spheres as relevant for the self-actualization of modern individuals, attributing different combinations of independence and embeddedness to them. Moreover, he rejects the social extremes of socialism and individualism, since they fail to properly integrate individual freedom into the social whole without undermining it. Instead Simmel gives us the vision of a pluralist economy in which democratic worker’s cooperatives are combined with an overall liberal market to satisfy both the longing for community and the strive for individual distinction. (shrink)

Gender dysphoria is typically construed as a medical concept. This understanding of gender dysphoria reflects how cisgender people interpret trans experience. This essay proposes an alternative concept of gender dysphoria for critical theory: on this account, gender dysphoria is alienation from cisgender forms of life. If the medicalized concept of gender dysphoria tacitly takes for granted, identifies with, and thereby reinforces cisgender patriarchal society, a critical theory of gender dysphoria instead approaches the issue from the perspective of trans people, their (...) lived experiences and social situation, to offer a critique of society. While the medicalized concept of gender dysphoria refers to a “distress” caused by living in the “wrong-body,” the critical concept of gender dysphoria refers to an alienation as a result of living in the “wrong (cisgender patriarchal) society.” The critical concept of gender dysphoria may become a tool capable of describing the necessary facets of trans experience necessary to form a political coalition. The paper concludes by claiming that trans subjects are the gendered analogue of Marx’s concept of the proletariat. (shrink)

Feminists have long argued that emotions have a rightful place in politics. Anger, specifically, is often said to play a crucial role in alerting people to oppression and motivating resistance. The task of this paper is to elaborate these claims and to outline a conception of the political value of anger. In doing so, I argue against the view that anger is valuable if and because it expresses a sound moral judgment. Instead, we should see rage, in the first place, (...) as simply a response to having one’s practical aims in the world thwarted—there need be nothing moral or righteous about this feeling for it to have political potential. Second, unlike those who highlight anger’s connection with love or claims for equal dignity, I emphasise its tendency towards aggression. With this non-moralized conception of anger in hand, we can see how rage reveals practical problems in a way that can spur on a dialectical process of political articulation and organized action. The resulting standpoint from which one can articulate and resist one’s oppression based on one’s rage is not inherent in the experience of anger—rather it needs to be seen as a political achievement in itself. (shrink)

This essay highlights a methodological weakness in Foucault’s genealogy of neoliberalism often mistaken for a biographical shift in his philosophy. Naissance de la biopolitique is sometimes interpreted as evidence for Foucault’s conversion to neoliberalism, whereas its lack of critical acuity stems rather from its methodological limitations. Through a discussion of the “neoliberal conversion”-thesis, I highlight those limitations. Though Foucault’s appreciative tone in his neoliberalism lectures is surprising, his aim is mainly to defamiliarize readers from the dominant mode of neoliberal rationality (...) so that they can affirm the creative potential to foster new conducts, new identities, and new rationalities. Foucault did not convert to neoliberalism, but sought to destabilise it by revealing its historical contingency. However, as Foucault’s surprisingly positive tone shows, this strategy is insufficient for combatting neoliberalism. There is an elective affinity between Foucault’s own politics of creative self-reinvention and neoliberalism’s promise of a non-invasive, post-disciplinary government by indirect economic incentives alone. Foucault’s libertine stance toward subjectivity hence seems easily integrated into a neoliberal conduct of conducts. I propose to supplement Foucault’s genealogical method as he deploys it in Naissance de la biopolitique with an immanent critique of neoliberalism from the perspective of the governed. Rather than investigating neoliberal rationality as a promising endeavour for the future, we can study the real-life implementations of neoliberalism and their effects on subjective conducts. Neoliberal rationality is involved in a permanent struggle to shape the conduct of conducts along entrepreneurial and competitive lines, but subjects are refractory living beings whose conducts are not so simply transformed. Neoliberalism has had to give up its post-disciplinary aspirations and turn to the power of discipline and abandonment to enforce neoliberal norms of conduct. Neoliberalism has transformed into a negative biopolitics that sacrifices the lives of unproductive subjects as collateral damage to the overall welfare of the population. Immanent critique thereby reveals how subjects are pushed beyond their limits until neoliberal norms of conduct become unbearable. This intolerability of neoliberalism cannot be directly deduced from the writings of Becker, Friedman, or Hayek.111 It becomes manifest in the confrontation between neoliberal rationality and the material living bodies of finite human beings unable to be stretched in the ways neoliberalism requires. (shrink)

The text addresses the question of whether and to what extent a theorization of experience provides a basis for socio-critical theories. Following the ideology-critical diagnosis of an immediate involvement of lived experience in ideological constitutive structures, the argument is made that a critical and ›left‹ phenomenology in particular can address the manner in which experience as a ›mediated immediacy‹ manifests as a medial condition for ideological processes.

According to a prominent narrative, the problem of recognition arises in the modern period in opposition to premodern notions of honor. This chapter invites us to reconsider this narrative by examining two views of honor in ancient Greek thought. I first show that Homeric honor includes contestable norms of reciprocal respect and esteem for individual virtue. I then show how Plato appropriates the Homeric view in his ethical psychology yet articulates a competing view of the nature and value of honor. (...) By showing that ancient Greek honor is more continuous with theories of recognition than has been appreciated, this chapter offers fresh perspectives on a central strand of ancient Greek ethics and its relevance to social and political thought. (shrink)

This Open Peer Commentary on “A Critical Cybernetics” by Klaus Krippendorff outlines that enacting alternative not-yet existing realities goes beyond discourse and can be considered design practice. A Critical Cybernetics for enacting alternative not-yet existing realities, such as Krippendorff proposed, would benefit from associating itself with the expertise in the technicity of society that has been central to cybernetics since its inception.

In this paper, I examine the extent to which Marcien Towa (1931-2014) can be considered the Father of Cameroonian Critical Theory. In this regard, I compare what can be called his social philosophy with the project of a critical theory of society, as outlined by Max Horkheimer (1895-1973). I specifically consider Marcien Towa’s idea of philosophy, which I confront with Horkheimer’s project from the perspectives offered by their sociopolitical premises, conceptual references, and progressive goals. On each of these aspects, I (...) discover sufficient correspondences that allow me to argue that Towa and Horkheimer, who barely knew each other, formulated a somewhat similar claim, namely to provide a critical theory of society, whose aim is not only to understand society but more importantly to change it. (shrink)

It has been the better part of a century since the appearance of Dialectic of Enlightenment, and the technologies of mass communication that Adorno and Horkheimer placed at the centre of their analysis of mass culture have altered beyond recognition, and with them the culture itself. And this in turn raises the question of the continuing relevance of the ‘culture industry’ concept. Does the contemporary culture industry still operate along the same lines that Adorno and Horkheimer charted or has it (...) evolved to a point at which their analysis no longer applies? This special issue gathers together a broad range of theoretical approaches that address the pressing need for the analysis of the contemporary culture industry in the Global South and beyond. Through the lenses of the history and theory of Critical Theory (and African critical theory traditions) and topics including digital culture, neoliberalism and its effects, and environmental praxis, the culture industry of Adorno and Horkheimer is revisited in the spirit of renewal and positive critique. (shrink)

Is it all politics? That literature that reigns supreme bestsellers deepen the processes of social reproduction. They are also political, but a special prototype of political writing that often goes innocently unnoticed. It is not neutral, nor is it pure, but it is presented that way in the sales houses and in the mass media. It is a writing of concealment. Let's make a brief analysis of the novel "Confesión" (2020) by Martín Kohan from the point of view of contemporary (...) Critical Theory. (shrink)

Philosophers have cataloged a range of genealogical methods by which different sorts of normative conclusions can be established. Although such methods provide diverging ways of pursuing genealogical inquiry, they typically converge in eschewing historiographic methodology, in favor of a uniquely philosophical approach. In contrast, one genealogist who drew on historiographic methodology is Michel Foucault. This article presents the motivations and advantages of Foucault's genealogical use of such a methodology. It advances two mains claims. First, that Foucault's early 1970s work employs (...) a distinct genealogical method, which borrows from contemporary historiographic models of explanation to expand the range of objects that are proper to genealogical accounts of historical change. I demonstrate how Foucault modifies two central commitments of Nietzsche by broadening the dimensions of genealogical inquiry and explanation. Second, that historical method has normative relevance for genealogy, insofar as different historiographic choices can lead to different normative conclusions. I motivate this second claim by explaining how Foucault's multidimensional genealogical method expands both (a) the range of objects that are subject to evaluative assessment, and (b) the set of possible prescriptive recommendations that follow from such assessment. (shrink)

Tech companies have eagerly utilised mindfulness techniques in order to increase both creativity and productivity among their managers and employees. However, while a growing number of studies within fields of clinical psychology and psychiatry suggest that mindfulness provides myriad health benefits, such literature does not critically evaluate the societal and affective influences of mindfulness and other wellness practices on working bodies. By focusing on discourses related to mindfulness training, this paper explores the conception of ‘being present’. Drawing on the phenomenology (...) of the body, affect theory, and critical mindfulness studies, we develop a new theoretical framework for analysing mindfulness as a somatic and social force in technology-driven business contexts. Using research material drawn from the online advertising of mindfulness programmes for managers, this paper describes ‘presence’ as a new labour concept associated with the cultivated performance skill of the managerial body in the era of late capitalism. We conclude that mindfulness training – transforming the somatic into an affective investment – has transformed Buddhist meditation into capital that can be bought and consumed. (shrink)